Ambedkar Action Alert: PAKISTAN: OSAMA The Sole Spokesman Except JuD, other militant outfits have refrained from direct sympathy for Osama AMIR MIR

Thursday, May 19, 2011

PAKISTAN: OSAMA The Sole Spokesman Except JuD, other militant outfits have refrained from direct sympathy for Osama AMIR MIR

AFP (FROM OUTLOOK, MAY 23, 2011)

In Mourning Hafiz Saeed addresses crowds

PAKISTAN: OSAMA

The Sole Spokesman

Except JuD, other militant outfits have refrained from direct sympathy for Osama

AMIR MIR

http://outlookindia.com/article.aspx?271828

When Pakistan did not erupt over the killing of Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden on May 2, in sharp contrast to the thousands who thronged the streets weeks ago to protest against the release of CIA operative Raymond Davis, it was left to Jamaat-ud-Dawa (JuD) leader Hafiz Mohammed Saeed to strike a contrarian pose. The Lashkar-e-Toiba founder displayed chutzpah in conducting a Ghaibana Namaz-e-Janaza (funeral prayers in absentia) for Osama at the Markaz Al-Qadsia, Lahore, on May 6. Looking visibly shattered, the JuD leader said, "May Allah accept the sacrifice of bin Laden and give him a place in heaven." He asked his followers to eschew sentimental reactions to the killing of Osama, explaining, "Martyrdom is not a loss but a privilege for Muslims as it creates awareness among the ummah."

Islamabad didn't say what it thought about Saeed's speech, which sharply condemned "Pakistani rulers" for rejoicing at the killing of Osama. He thought their behaviour was despicable not only because it was aimed at pleasing the Americans, but also because they were expressing their joy at the death of one who had made such "sacrifices for the oppressed Muslims around the world". He warned the Pakistani rulers not to "invite the wrath of Allah Almighty as bin Laden acted as a spokesman of the people of Pakistan and the whole nation is saddened by his death".

From the pulpit, Saeed attacked the US-Pakistan alliance for inflicting misery on the people, harping on the death of innocents in American drone attacks. "The Pakistani nation is suffering due to the rulers' choice of accepting American slavery in the garb of becoming a strategic partner in the so-called war on terror. Therefore, I urge upon the government to come out of the US alliance." Saeed saw in the Abbottabad operation a conspiracy of anti-Pakistan forces, including India, to declare his country a terrorist state. As he bristled against the US, he also raised the bogey of India, saying the Abbottabad operation had emboldened New Delhi to threaten Pakistan too. As for the future, Saeed declared, "Every Muslim longs to be martyred in the way of Allah. Therefore, with the death of Osama, many more Osamas would emerge."

One might find Saeed's harangue hardly surprising for a country teeming with religious parties and militant outfits. But one crucial fact distinguishes others of Saeed's ilk—they refrained from directly hailing Osama, preferring to vent their anger only against the US for violating Pakistan's sovereignty with its unilateralism. At the time of writing, this was the preferred mode of protest of the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan (JI) and the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JuI), the two main religious parties occupying the Opposition benches.

Pakistan has yet to hear the views of other militant outfits on the killing of Osama. Surprisingly silent has been the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, whose leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman Khalil was among the signatories of the 1998 fatwa, in which Osama called upon Muslims to wage jehad against America. Also quiet have been the two factions of the Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami (HUJI)—one led by Qari Saifullah Akhtar and the other by Ilyas Kashmiri. (It was Osama who had recommended Qari Saifullah to Mullah Omar for appointment as his political advisor during Taliban rule). Ditto Jaish-e-Mohammed, as also Pakistan's two most lethal sectarian-cum-jehadi groups—the Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP) and the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LeJ).

To this trend of silence, there are two other exceptions, apart from Saeed. There was the sensational act of Maulvi Asmatullah, who heads the breakaway faction of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Nazaryati Group), requesting members of the National Assembly (NA) to join him in offering prayers for Osama. His plea elicited support of just two other NA members. His defiance, though, is seen as an antic typical of those who barely enjoy popular support.

Of greater significance is the response of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). It issued a statement in the name of its leader, Commander Hakimullah Mehsud, extolling Osama and promising retribution. The ttp's defiance is understandable—Mehsud and his followers are all underground, locked in a bloody struggle against the Pakistani state. No wonder, observers ask: Is Saeed Pakistan's most favoured militant leader?

Two important reasons are said to underlie Saeed's affection for Osama. One, the Al Qaeda leader is said to have bankrolled the sprawling JuD headquarters in Muridke, routing nearly
Rs 10 million through his close associate Abu Andur Rahman Sareshi. Two, both the JuD and Al Qaeda belong to the Ahle-e-Hadith school of thought. JuD spokesperson Yahya Mujahid, however, insists that Osama wasn't among those Saudi traders who financed the construction of the Muridke headquarters. He described the prayers for Osama as a religious duty that shouldn't be construed as proof of the JuD-Qaeda link.

But Yahya's remarks won't convince US security experts, some of whom in their recent deposition to a subcommittee of the US Congress talked of JuD's growing ambitions to step into Al Qaeda's shoes. Among them was Stephen Tankel of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, who told Outlook, "LeT (renamed as JuD) has always had ambitions beyond South Asia, but its leadership remains heavily influenced by regional dynamics and elements within the ISI. Though it's very unlikely that LeT could lead the global jehad in the same way Al Qaeda has...(its) transnational networks do enable it to play an important role in terms of facilitating, supporting and perhaps helping to coordinate international operations." Tankel further told Congress that the "LeT's position remains relatively secure in Pakistan" as it refrains from launching attacks against the Pakistani state. Now you know why Saeed can speak but others can't.

By Amir Mir in Lahore with Ashish Kumar Sen

TEXT SIZE