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Sunday, January 23, 2011

Anti-Sikh riot nails Kamal Nath; NY court summons,As Now, the entire nation praises Narendra Modi over his successful reign in Gujarat and his advanced tactics which take Gujarat in the list of one of the leading states of India, the Nation did forge

Anti-Sikh riot nails Kamal Nath; NY court summons,As  Now, the entire nation praises Narendra Modi over his successful reign in Gujarat and his advanced tactics which take Gujarat in the list of one of the leading states of India, the Nation did forget the Black History of SIKH Genocide in eighties in the SENSEX BLITZ of Shining Brahaminical India!Partition of India to ensure Corpoarte Brahmin Bania Raj as well as Sikh Genocide are the most recent Original CRIMES Committed by Foreign Origin Aryan Brahaminical Hindutva, we just forgot!


The Shiv Sena has unleashed its eccentricities with Pune coming to a standstill after the Shiv Sena and the BJP declared a bandh to protest the removal of Dadoji Konddeo's statue from the Lal Mahal.In accordance with Brahaminical History and continued MISINFORMATION Campaign, Dadoji Konddeo is falsely PROJECTED as the 'guru' of Chhatrapati Shivaji, a revered PUNE Chitpawan  figure described as MARATHA. James Lane supported by Pune Brahamins described KONDDEO as Biological father of Shivaji as the Brahamins have always MISINTERPRETED and Manipulated History to kill the Mulnivasi Aboriginal Indigenous legacy converting it BRAHAMINICAL! As the Intelligentsia Bengal has made HARICHAND Thakur a Maithili Brahamin. Harichand Thakur led the first ever UNTOUCHABILITY Abolishment CHANDAL Movement in the History of India even before PHULE and Ambedkar and he also led the famopus Peasant Insurrection, INDIGO Revolt and was instrumental to REAL RENAISSANCE, the base of Nationwide  Mulnivasi Movement!

Sena launches signature campaign against Gandhi!CPI (M) flays BJP for "fuelling polarisation" in J&K!

NHAI bankruptcy report irks Kamal Nath!

Satyendranath Dubey killers get life imprisonment!

Pranab Mukherjee's 'join Maoists' statement shocking: BJP

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time -FIVE HUNDRED  SEVENTY Two

Palash Biswas

http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/

http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/

What controversy about Shivaji's father in the book of James Lane?

In: Maritime History [Edit categories]

*

The book mentions that Dadaji Konddev, the gaurdian of shivaji, was the biological father of Shivaji. He says that Shivaji was the illicit child. The proog given by the author is the joke cracked in maharastrian community about his patronage. Thus the person [Author] who is being cited as scholar has no authentic source about the paternity of Shivaji. The western writer always try to find some misguided hint to disgrace the indian, particulary hindu community.


  1. James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack ...

  2. - 9:54am

  3. James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute - the complete review Quarterly.

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  20. 10 Jul 2010 ... MUMBAI: The Supreme Court of India's lifting of a ban on American authorJames W. Laine's controversial book, "Shivaji: A Hindu King in ...

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  22. Supreme Court lifts ban on James Laine's book on Shivaji - The ...

  23. 9 Jul 2010 ... The Supreme Court has upheld the decision of the Bombay HC to lift the ban on the book by US author James Laine, which, according to the ...

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  26. 19 Jul 2010 ... James Laine is not a historian. He is a professor of religious studies. His book: 'Shivaji - Hindu king in Islamic India' is not a book on ...

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Read more: http://wiki.answers.com/Q/What_controversy_about_Shivaji's_father_in_the_book_of_James_Lane#ixzz1BsmhIJhj

 

palashscape: Mulnivasi Nayak on Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj

22 Feb 2010 ... Mulnivasi Nayak on 17th All India Adivasi sammelan... Mulnivasi Nayak on Budget ... Mulnivasi Nayak on PUNE Blast Connection to Mumbai. ...
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  29. 10 Jan 2011 ... 1984 anti-Sikh riots: Witness accuses Sajjan Kumar of threats - New Delhi, Jan 10 : A woman witness in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots case Monday ...

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Partition of India to ensure Corpoarte Brahmin Bania Raj as well as Sikh Genocide are the most recent Original CRIMES Committed by Foreign Origin Aryan Brahaminical Hindutva, we just forgot!

Just after a few days that the Urban Development Ministry has been allotted to him, a major set back for Kamal Nath came on his way.As  Now, the entire nation praises Narendra Modi over his successful reign in Gujarat and his advanced tactics which take Gujarat in the list of one of the leading states of India, the Nation did forget the Black History of SIKH Genocide in eighties in the SENSEX BLITZ of Shining Brahaminical India!But his tainted past is not yet ready to leave Modi and continues to cast its spell on his political career.Contrarily, the Victims of Anti Sikh Riots are Deprived of Justice as the Indian Holocaust for NON Aryan Non Brahaminical Abroiginal Indigenous communities do continue with eternal Intensity in EXCLUSIVE Imperialist Fascist Corpoarte EXCLUSIVE Economy! As the Victims of Bhopal Gas Tragedy are still in Drakness!

A media report stated that a civil lawsuit was filed in a New York court in Apr 2010 alleging his involvement in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in New Delhi.

However, there is no legal case against Kamal Nath in India in connection with the anti-Sikh riots of 1984.

The lawsuit against Kamal Nath claimed that when Sikhs were attacked outside a Gurudwara, Kamal Nath was present and leading the mob.

The lawsuit said, "The witnesses have clearly confessed about his presence. Due to his influence and political powers he escaped the courts in India."

The Shiv Sena has unleashed its eccentricities with Pune coming to a standstill after the Shiv Sena and the BJP declared a bandh to protest the removal of Dadoji Konddeo's statue from the Lal Mahal.In accordance with Brahaminical History and continued MISINFORMATION Campaign, Dadoji Konddeo is falsely PROJECTED as the 'guru' of Chhatrapati Shivaji, a revered PUNE Chitpawan  figure described as MARATHA. James Lane supported by Pune Brahamins described KONDDEO as Biological father of Shivaji as the Brahamins have always MISINTERPRETED and Manipulated History to kill the Mulnivasi Aboriginal Indigenous legacy converting it BRAHAMINICAL! As the Intelligentsia Bengal has made HARICHAND Thakur a Maithili Brahamin. Harichand Thakur led the first ever UNTOUCHABILITY Abolishment CHANDAL Movement in the History of India even before PHULE and Ambedkar and he also led the famopus Peasant Insurrection, INDIGO Revolt and was instrumental to REAL RENAISSANCE, the base of Nationwide  Mulnivasi Movement!

Meanwhile,The CPI(M) on Sunday lashed out at the BJP over its plans to hoist the national flag in Srinagar on the Republic Day, saying the saffron party had a history of fishing in troubled waters to seek political advantage and sharpening communal polarization.Flaying the BJP for being adamant on hoisting national flag at Lal Chowk in Srinagar on January 26, CPI(M) Secretary M.Y. Tarigami alleged that the saffron party and Sangh fountainhead RSS were whipping up frenzy against minorities

."BJP's choice of hoisting the flag in Srinagar alone and not elsewhere in the country is aimed at gaining political mileage by sharpening communal polarisation in the state," he told reporters in Jammu.The Amarnath Yatra Movement that the BJP spearheaded into 2008 resulted in wide spread dislocation of normal life and strengthened the alienation between the two religious communities along with widening differences between Jammu region and the Valley, the Kulgam MLA alleged.

Mr. Tarigami said the BJP was using the national flag to strengthen vote bank politics.

"RSS does not use tricolour in its functions. The RSS headquarter at Nagpur does not hoist it nor do the RSS Shakhas display it in daily parades," he said.

A New York court summoned Kamal Nath in regarding the 1984 anti-Sikh riots case and Washington also declined to provide diplomatic immunity to the minister.New york court has just showcased the LIMITATION of BIASED Brahaminical Indian Justice system sustaining LPG Mafia Manusmriti Rule of Injustice and inequality!2002 Godhra riot still horns Modi as a new controversy once again reminded people the alleged role of the successful Chief Minister of Gujarat in the riot.

The KONDDEO statue was removed from Pune's Lal Mahal and placed in a municipal garden of the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC).


The situation bore witness to a lot of violent acts with the Shiv Sena and MNS sharpening their claws to highlight the issue and voicing their thoughts in harsh words. The Hindu hardliners organised a morcha to protest the moving of the statue. Both Bal Thakceray and Uddhav Thackeray have given their full support to go ahead with the protests till the statue is installed back to its rightful place.

A bandh has led to normal life coming to a standstill except for essential services. Shops, offices, schools, colleges and other establishments will remain closed from 6 am to 5 pm. Sainiks went on a rampage throughout the city and disrupted train services, pelted stones at six buses. 15 sainiks were arrested and 6000 police personnel have been deployed in Pune to rule out any cases of violence.

"We want the bandh to be happen in a democratic way. But if the police harasses us, it will be difficult to stop the party workers," said Sena MLC Neelam Gorhe and added, "The PMC removed the statue secretly early morning as they were afraid of live media coverage of the incident."

Sena launches signature campaign against Gandhi

Shiv Sena executive president Uddhav Thackeray who was in Dombivali ahead of local Municipal Corporations polls, launched a signature campaign against Rahul Gandhi and called him as anti-Marathi.

Uddhav Thackeray said, "Shiv Sena has launched a signature campaign against Gandhi after the latter praised Biharis for their contribution to the economy of Maharashtra."

"Who contributed to Maharashtra? Social reformer Tilak or Biharis. Condemn Rahul Gandhi for being anti-Marathi," was the message written on board, which was signed by Uddhav first.

Many Sena supporters signed the board and shouted anti-Rahul slogans here on Saturday, Oct 23.

"I have no problems with Biharis but when Rahul Gandhi goes to Bihar why does he drag in Maharashtra," he asked.

"This is insult to Marathi people. Maharashtra was built by people like Chhatrapati Shivaji, Mahatma Phule and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar." he added.

More information on Gujarat

Despite praising Gujarat's recent development in all sphere, prominent Islamic seminary Darul Uloom Deoband's new head Maulana Ghulam Mohammed Vastanvi stated, "I don't think that there is any Muslim or Indian who would call the massacres during Modi's reign eight years ago as a mere or small incident."

"How can something like this be said about a cruel man like him. I have not given a clean chit to him (Modi)," stated Deoband and also claimed, ".... We will pray that those who were involved (in 2002 Gujarat riots) are not spared.... Those who were killed will not return."

Meanwhile, Ethnonationalism hero and HINDUTVA Protagonist, the Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray turned 85 on Sunday, Jan 23 who shares his birthday with freedom fighter Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. But the birthday celebration has been rattled over the terror attack fears.

The Sena followers gathered at their residence in Mumbai to wish their chief but sources said that the visitors were not allowed to meet Bal Thackeray owing to security reasons and possible terror threat.

The party media mouthpiece "Saamana" on Sunday reported, "Terrorists can take advantage of the crowd to create trouble."

Party Executive President and Thackeray's son Uddhav accepted the greetings on behalf of his father.

The party sources also informed that Shiv Sena will release of three CDs to mark the 85th birthday of party chief on Sunday, Jan 23.



On the other hand,the ongoing spat between the Deputy Chairman of Planning Commission Montek Singh Ahluwalia and Transport Minister Kamal Nath took an uglier turn with a report on likely bankruptcy of the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) emerging from the Plan panel.

Mr Nath reportedly called up Mr Ahluwalia to seek clarification on a report from Planning Commission that states that the NHAI is on the verge of bankruptcy.

"I talked to (Deputy Chairman) Ahluwalia in the morning. He said there is no such report of the Planning Commission," the Transport Minister told the media personnel here in response to a question on a purported Plan panel paper that predicted the NHAI would go bankrupt in three years.

In the paper, the Planning Commission has reportedly stated that bankruptcy for NHAI was eminent as was borrowing substantially more than its revenue from a fuel cess of Rs 2 per litre.

The report goes on to say that the the nodal body on national highways plans to borrow about Rs 50,000 crore against its revenue of Rs 25,000 crore in the next three years.

Mr Ahluwalia, on the other hand, played down the matter, saying "There is no Planning Commission report. I think people keep referring to a discussion paper produced by one officer. It's not approved by me."

This comes in the wake of the war of word between Mr Nath and Mr Ahulawali which was sparked off when the transport minister called the Plan panel an "armchair advisor". This invited a retort Mr Ahluwalia, who had said the government could not be run by only those who build roads.

Satyendranath Dubey killers get life imprisonment

Patna, Mar 27: A special Central Bureau of Investigations (CBI) court on Saturday, Mar 27 awarded life sentences to the three convicted killers of National Highway Authority of India (NHAI) engineer Satyendranath Dubey.

The three accused Mantu Kumar, Udai Kumar and Pinku Ravidas were convicted by the court on Monday, Mar 22 for murdering Dubey in 2003.

While Mantu Kumar was convicted under Indian Penal Code (IPC) Section 302 (Murder), 394 (Voluntary causing hurt in committing robbery) and Section 27 (A) of the Arms Act for possessing an unlicensed weapon, the other two were convicted under Section 302/34 (Murder committed in furtherance of common intention) and 394 IPC.

Dubey was shot dead in Nov 2003 in front of the Gaya Circuit House after he wrote a letter to the former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee revealing the financial and contractual irregularities in a NHAI project.

After snubbing, Raj adores uncle Bal Thackeray

Days after Raj Thackeray openly criticised his uncle Bal Thackeray at an election rally, Raj on Wednesday, Oct 27 acknowledged chief Sena as the most honourabe person who nursed him and brought him up to this present status.

Sources said he claimed that party leaders were misleading his uncle, which was unacceptable to him.

However, Bal Thackeray had reportedly remarked that it was Raj who had appointed Uddhav Thackeray as Shiv Sena working president.

Enraged over the report MNS chief said, "how could he do so when he did not had the power to name even a shakha pramukh."

"I have always believed there is only one Shiv Sena pramukh. It is your party, and you had the powers to take any decision. How is it possible, you were not aware about such a major decision," Raj asked referring to the Sena supremo's Oct 17 Dussehra rally remarks.

L&T wins massive NHAI project

L&T Samakhiali Gandhidham Tollway Private Limited will be working on the six laning of the 56 km stretch of NH-8A with National Highways Authority of India (NHAI).

The SPV incorporated by Larsen and Toubro on Friday, Mar 19 signed a Concession Agreement for the project with an estimated cost of about Rs 1400 crores.

The project would be executed on a BOT DBFO (Design Build Finance & Operate) basis with a Concession Period of 24 years and is expected to be completed by 30 months.

The Concessionaire is entitled to collect tolls from the users of the Project Highway during the Concession Period, including the Construction Period, the company informed in a statement.

The project is part of the NHAI's Phase V of the National Highways Development Programme (NHDP), under which the existing four lane stretches of the Golden Quadrilateral are being turned into six lanes.

Pranab Mukherjee's 'join Maoists' statement shocking: BJP

The BJP today expressed "shock" over Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee's statement that opposition parties should "join the Maoists" if they have no faith in parliamentary democracy and accused the government of making parliamentary institutions redundant.

"I am shocked to read the statement of Pranab 'da' who happens to be Leader of the House in Lok Sabha. Does the demand for a Joint Parliamentary Committee amount to not having faith in Parliamentary democracy and the Constitution?" BJP leader Sushma Swaraj said in a statement.

Reacting to the disruption of winter session of Parliament over demand for JPC on spectrum allocation issue, Mr. Mukherjee had said, "The total winter session of Parliament was lost. It proves that the opposition has no faith in parliamentary democracy. If they do not have faith in parliamentary democracy, they should join the Maoists."

Ms. Swaraj said, "The truth is that Government has more faith in the courts and the CBI. It is the government that is making the Parliamentary institutions redundant."

 

Shivaji

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Chhatrapati Shivaji Shahaji Bhosle
छत्रपती शिवाजी राजे भोसले
Chhatrapati
Chhatrapati Shivaji
Reign 1642–1680
Coronation 6 June 1674
Full name Shivaji Shahaji Bhosle
Marathi शिवाजी राजे भोसले
Titles Kshatriya Kulavantas , Go-Brahmanpratipalak
Born 19 February 1630[1][2]
Birthplace Shivneri Fort, near Pune, India
Died 3 April 1680, Tuesday
Place of death Raigad Fort
Successor Sambhaji
Wives Sai bai (Nimbalkar)
Soyarabai (Mohite)
Putalabai
Kashibai
Sagunabai
Manjulabai
Sakavaarbai [3][4]
Offspring Sambhaji, Rajaram, and six daughters Sakhubai Nimbalkar, Ranubai Jadhav, Ambikabai Mahadik, Deepabai, Rajkunvarbai Shirke, Kamlabai Palkar.
Father Shahaji
Mother Jijabai
Religious beliefs Hinduism

Shivaji Bhosle (Marathi: शिवाजी भोसले [ʃiʋaˑɟiˑraˑɟeˑ bʱoˑs(ə)leˑ]; 19 February 1630 – 3 April 1680), with the royal title Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj (Marathi: छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज) was a Maratha king [5] from the Bhosle dynasty who founded the Maratha empire.[6][7] Shivaji led a resistance to free the Marathas from Sultanate of Bijapur, and establish the rule of the Hindus ("Hindavi Swarajya"). He created an independent Maratha kingdom with Raigad as its capital,[7] and fought against the Mughals to defend his kingdom successfully.[6] He was crowned as Chhatrapati of the Maratha Kingdom in 1674.[6][7]

He achieved the re-establishment of Maratha rule on their homeland after being ruled and dominated by various Muslim dynasties for few hundred years. He established a competent and progressive civil rule with the help of well regulated and disciplined military and well structured administrative organizations. The prevalent practices of treating women as spoils of war, destruction of religious monuments, slavery and forceful religious conversions were firmly opposed under his administration. Shivaji was a religious Hindu, and showed respect for all other religions.[8] He also innovated rules of military engagement of that era. He pioneered "Shiva sutra" or Ganimi Kava (guerrilla tactics), which leveraged strategic factors like demographics, speed, surprise and focused attack to defeat his bigger and more powerful enemies.[8]

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Early life

Chhatrapati's birthplace on Shivneri Fort

The earliest descriptions of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's birth and boyhood are found in the works composed several years after his death. By that time, several folk tales and stories had developed around his legend.[9]

Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was born in the hill-fort of Shivneri near the city of Junnar. While Jijabai was pregnant, she had prayed to the local deity "Shivai" for blessings for her expected child. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was named after this local deity.[9]

There are no contemporary records of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's exact birthdate and boyhood.[9] The birthdates of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj given by various records include:

  • the 3rd day of the dark half of Phalguna, 1551 of Shaka calendar (Friday, 19 February 1630).[2] This date is accepted by the Maharashtra state government as the official birthdate of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.[10]
  • the second day of the light half of Vaisakha in the year 1549 of Saka calendar.[2] (Thursday, 6 April 1627), or other dates near this day.[9][11]

Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's father Shahaji Bhosale was the chieftain of a hardy band of warrior class mercenaries that served the Deccan Sultanates. His mother was Rajmata Jijabai, the daughter of Lakhujirao Jadhav of Sindkhed. During the period of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's birth, the power in Deccan was shared by three Islamic Sultanates - Bijapur, Ahmednagar, and Golconda. Shahaji kept changing his loyalty between the Nizamshahi of Ahmadnagar, Adil Shah of Bijapur and the Mughals, but always kept his jagir (fiefdom) at Pune and his small army with him. Gomaji Naik Pansambal, a trusted master of state-Craft, was deputed by Lakhuji Yadavrao (Jadhav) to look after Jijabai. He remained with Jijabai and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj throughout his life. He also was a master of sword. But most importantly, he advised Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in making certain crucial decisions which had far reaching effects on the character of the Maratha empire.

When Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was a novice, a troop of Pathans - Afghan mercenaries - had approached Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj requesting enlistment in his service. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was hesitant, but Gomaji advised him to accept them into the service. This resulted in the secular character of the Maratha armed forces. All the communities enjoyed respect and fair treatment in his kingdom. Gomaji also taught the art of swordsmanship to Shivaji, and especially the effective use of lance, the characteristic Maratha weapon.

According to Tarikh-i-Shivaji, Shahaji placed his jagir (Land holdings / Fiefdom) in the Latur region under Dadoji Konddev, who had shown good administrative skills as the kulkarni (land-steward) of Malthan. In a short time, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj became a skilled swordsman, strategist and an accomplished horseman, trained rigorously by Maratha warriors like Baji Pasalkar.

At the age of 12, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was taken to Banglore where he was formally trained further. At age of 14, he returned to Pune with a rajmudra (Soveriegn seal) & council of ministers.

Shivaji Maharaj with Jijamata

Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj was extremely devoted to his mother Jijabai. Jijabai led a deeply religious, near ascetic life in virtual isolation. This religious environment had a profound influence on Shivaji. He carefully studied the two great Hindu epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata, by listening to recitations and story-tellings. The morality and spiritual messages of the epics made a great impression on him. He was deeply interested in religious teachings, and sought the company of Hindu and Sufi (a Muslim sect) saints throughout his life.[9]

As the administrator of Shahaji's jagir (fiefdom), Dadoji Konddeo was accorded complete control over the Maval region. He won over most of the local Maval deshpande (chiefs), and subdued others. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj drew his earliest trusted comrades and a large number of his soldiers from this region, including Yesaji Kank, Baji Pasalkar and Tanaji Malusare. In the company of his Maval comrades, a young Shivaji wandered over the hills and forests of the Sahyadri range, hardening himself and acquiring first-hand knowledge of the land. By 1639, he commanded a hardy and loyal band of officers and soldiers.They were alos called Mard Maratha's.

[edit] Confrontation with the Regional Sultanates

In 1645, at the age of 16, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj carried out his first military action by attacking and capturing Torna Fort of the Bijapur kingdom. By 1647 he had captured Kondana and Rajgad forts and had control of much of the southern Pune region. By 1654 Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj had captured forts in the Western Ghats and along the Konkan coast. In a bid to contain Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Adilshah imprisoned Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's father in 1648-49 and sent an army led by Farradkhan against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's elder brother Sambhaji at Bangalore and another army led by Fattekhan against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at Purandhar. Both Bhosle brothers defeated the invading armies. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj petitioned Emperor Shahjahan's son, Dara Shikoh, who was Governor of Deccan, pledging his loyalty to the Mughals to seek his support in securing the release of his father. The Mughals recognised Shivaji as a Mughal Sardar and pressured Adilshah to release Shahaji. In return Shivaji had to cede a fort and Sambhaji had to cede Bangalore city and a fort to Adilshah.

[edit] Battles

[edit] Pratapgad

Chhatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhosle (statue at Raigad)

Adilshah sent general Afzal Khan to destroy Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in an effort to put down what he saw as a regional revolt. Afzal Khan desecrated Hindu temples at Tuljapur and Pandharpur hoping to draw Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj to the plains to retaliate with his limited military resources and thus lead him and his budding military power to easy destruction by the numerically bigger, better-armed and more professional Bijapur army. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, upon carefully weighing his options, strategically decided to confront and surprise Afzal Khan on his home turf under the guise of diplomatic negotiations. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj sent a letter to Afzal Khan stating that he was not eager for confrontation and sought some type of understanding. A meeting was arranged between Afzal Khan and Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj at the foothills of Fort Pratapgad.[8]

Expecting certain skulduggery from Afzal Khan, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj armed himself with the concealable weapons bichhwa (dagger) and wagh nakh (tiger claws) and wore a chilkhat (chain-mail armour) under his clothing for the meeting. What transpired during the meeting was not recorded by scribes, but folklore has it that Afzal Khan pretended to graciously embrace Shivaji as per custom and attempted to stab Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj in the back with a katara (a short waist-holstered dagger). Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's agility, strength and his armour in addition to being prepared helped him survive this attack.


In the ensuing Battle of Pratapgarh fought in the dense forest of Javli on 10 November 1659, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's armies attacked Vijapur's (Afzal Khan's) forces and engaged them in swift flanking maneuvers.

Soon after the slaying of Afzal Khan, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj sped up the slope towards the Pratapgarh fort with his lieutenants and ordered cannons to be fired. This was a signal to his infantry, which had been strategically placed under the cover of the densely vegetated valley, to immediately attack Afzal Khan's forces.[8] Maratha troops under Kanhoji Jedhe attacked 1,500 musketeers and routed them at the foothills of the fort. Then in a rapid march, a section of Adilshahi forces commanded by Musekhan was attacked. Musekhan was wounded and subsequently fled, abandoning his soldiers who were subsequently decimated by the Maratha troops.

Commander Moropant Pingale led the infantry to the left flank of the Adilshahi troops. Adilshah's artillery was rendered ineffective by the sudden attack at close quarters. At the same time commander Ragho Atre swiftly attacked Adilshahi cavalry before it was fully prepared for battle and almost completely wiped it out. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's cavalry headed by Netaji Palkar rushed towards Wai in hot pursuit of retreating Adilshahi forces who were attempting to join reserve forces stationed there. The retreating forces of Afzal Khan were engaged in battle and were routed.[8]

This clear and unambiguous victory made Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj a hero of Maratha folklore and a legendary figure among his people. The large quantities of captured weapons, horses, armour and other materials helped to strengthen the nascent and emerging Maratha army. The Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, now identified Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj as a major threat to the mighty Mughal Empire. Soon thereafter Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, Shahaji and Netaji Palkar (the chief of the Maratha cavalry) decided to attack and defeat the Adilshahi kingdom at Bijapur. But things did not go as planned as Shahaji's health deteriorated and they were forced to postpone this attack. However, Netaji Palkar undertook this mission with smaller scale attacks and military harassment of the Adilshahi kingdom.

Subsequently, the Sultan of Bijapur sent an elite Pashtun army comprising mainly Afghani mercenaries to subdue and defeat Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj before he could substantially expand his army. In the ensuing battle, Bijapur's Pashtun army was soundly defeated by the Maratha troops. This intense and bloody battle ended in the unconditional surrender of the Bijapuri forces to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.

[edit] Kolhapur

To counter the loss at Pratapgad and to defeat the newly emerging Maratha power, another army, this time numbering over 10,000, was sent against Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, commanded by Bijapur's renowned Abyssinian general Rustamjaman.[12] With a cavalry of 5,000 Marathas, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj attacked them near Kolhapur on 28 December 1659. In a swift movement, Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj led a full frontal attack at the center of the enemy forces while other two portions of his cavalry attacked the flanks. This battle lasted for several hours and at the end Bijapuri forces were soundly defeated and Rustamjaman ignominiously fled the battlefield.[8] Adilshahi forces lost about 2,000 horses and 12 elephants to the Marathas.[12] This victory alarmed the mighty Mughal empire who now derisively referred to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj as the "Mountain Rat". Aurangzeb the Mughal emperor was now actively preparing to bring the full might and resources of the Mughal Empire to bear down on the potential Maratha threat.

Upon the request of Badi Begum of Bijapur, Aurangzeb sent his maternal uncle (brother of late Queen Mumtaz Mahal) Shaista Khan, with an army numbering over 100,000 along with a powerful artillery division in January 1660 to defeat Shivaji. Khan was accompanied by eminent commanders like Turktaj, Hussain, Haider, Naamdar Khan, Kartalab Khan, Uzbek Khan, Fateh Jung and Rajputs namely Bhau Singh, Shyam Singh, Rai Singh Sisodiya, Pradyuman and many more.[12] Khan was an experienced commander who had defeated Shahaji in the same region in 1636.[8] He was ordered to attack the Maratha kingdom in conjunction with Bijapur's army led by Siddi Jauhar. Aurangzeb ordered Shaista Khan to capture the Maratha kingdom to add to the empire (he intended to deceive the Adilshah), after Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj's expected defeat by Jauhar. Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj now prepared to face a combined attack of Mughals and Adilshahi forces.[12]

[edit] Siege of Panhala

M.V. Dhurandhar's painting of Shivaji.

Per the terms of the Mughal-Adilshahi plan, Adil Shah in 1660 sent Siddi Jauhar, an accomplished general to attack Shivaji on his southern borders, preceding the expected major Mughal attack from the north. He ordered his army of 40,000 north to Kolhapur to confront and defeat Shivaji as a part of their grand alliance with the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb. He secured the support of local chieftains such as Jasvantrao Dalvi of Palavani and Suryarao Surve of Sringarpur to defeat Shivaji.[8] At that time, Shivaji was camped at the Panhala fort near present day Kolhapur with 8,000 Marathas.

Siddi Jauhar's army besieged Panhala on 2 March 1660, cutting off supply routes to the fort.[12] Helping with siege were Baji Ghorpade and Siddi Masud from the west, Sadat khan and Bhai khan from the north, Rustam Zaman and Bade khan from the east, Siddi Jauhar and Fazal Khan from the south. Netaji Palkar, the Commander of the Maratha forces was on a mission away from Panhala harassing and attacking Adilshahi territory and was not able to come to the aid of Shivaji. At this point of time, Shaista Khan had moved from Baramati to Shirwal.[12]

Panhala was a formidable fort and Adilshahi army was repulsed repeatedly by effective cannon fire and heavy rock-pelting.[12] Siddi Jauhar approached Henry Revington, the British chief at the Rajapur port to seek long-range and more powerful cannons. Henry decided to help him in return for future favours, and began pounding Panhala fort. In spite of this Marathas continued defending Panhala and persevered in keeping Siddi Jauhar at bay.[12]

Marathas even raided the Adilshahi camp a few times but without much success. However, in one such raid, Tryambak Bhaskar and Kondaji Farzand presented themselves as allies of the British and Adlishahi forces. They came down to the Adilshahi camp and met Henry Revington and his associates. They managed to kill one British officer and injured Henry. Thereafter, they sabotaged the cannons and made them ineffective. Jauhar, livid at this, tightened the siege further.[12]

Jauhar did not leave any stone unturned to ensure that the siege around Panhala was unyielding, he personally took utmost care that no one in his army was complacent. He even braved the tumultuous monsoon season and continued the siege even during heaviest downpours.[12] On hearing about the ever tightening siege of Panhala, Netaji Palkar returned from Bijapur and attacked the Adilshahi forces surrounding Panhala. He tried to break the siege but his smaller forces were pushed back by a much larger Adilshahi army.[12]

Thereafter, Shivaji decided to escape to a nearby fort Vishalgad, where he could regroup his soldiers. He then sent misleading messages to Siddi Jauhar indicating that he was willing to negotiate and was looking for accommodation and mutual understanding. With this news, Adilshahi soldiers relaxed somewhat and Shivaji escaped under the cover of a stormy night on 12 July 1660.[12]

Meanwhile Jauhar's soldiers captured a small group of Marathas apparently including Shivaji only to realize he was a look-alike named Shiva Kashid dressed like Shivaji and sent out to create a diversion and facilitate the real Shivaji's escape. Siddi Johar's soldiers realized that the imposter was Shivaji's barber and that Shivaji and his army were headed to Vishalgad, immediately thereafter a massive chase was undertaken to intercept Shivaji and deal with him and his army, once and for all.[8]

[edit] Pavan Khind

Observing that enemy cavalry was fast closing in on them, Shivaji sought to avoid defeat and capture. Baji Prabhu Deshpande, a Maratha sardar along with 300 soldiers, volunteered to fight to the death to hold back the enemy at Ghod Khind (a mountain pass in Gajapur which is 4 miles (6.4 km) south of Vishalgad) to give Shivaji and the rest of the army a chance to reach the safety of the Vishalgad fort.[8][12]

Statue of Shivaji Maharaj in Mumbai

In the ensuing Battle of Pavan Khind, Baji Prabhu Deshpande fought relentlessly. He was almost fatally wounded but he held on and continued the fight until he heard the sound of cannon fire from Vishalgad, signalling Shivaji had safely reached the fort. The result of this intense and heroic battle was the death of 300 Marathas and 1,286 of Adilshah's troops who were engaged in an fierce, up close, face to face, hand to hand, steel on steel combat,[8] allowing Shivaji to reach the fort safely on 13 July 1660. .[12] Thereafter a truce was made between Shivaji and Adilshah through Shahaji, acknowledging and formally recognizing the independence of Shivaji's Kingdom.

In addition, as the terms of this accord, Panhala Fort was awarded to Siddi Johar.[8] Ghod Khind (khind = " a narrow mountain pass") was renamed Pavan Khind (Sacred Pass) in honor of Bajiprabhu Deshpande, Shibosingh Jadhav, Fuloji, people from Bandal community and all other soldiers who fought in Ghod Khind (People from Bandal community were specially selected by Shivaji while escaping from Panhala for their knowledge of the region, rock climbing skills, martial qualities).[12] A small memorial stands even today in the pass in recognition of the heroism of Bajiprabhu and his men.

This treaty remained in force until the death of Shahaji. Thereafter the Marathas became a formal and recognized power in the Deccan. Suspecting treachery, the loyal, steadfast, dedicated and horourable Siddi Jauhar was reportedly poisoned to death by the Adilshah for alleged disloyalty in allowing Shivaji to emerge victorious against the sultanate.[12]

[edit] Clash with the Mughals

[edit] Battle of Umberkhind

An Uzbek general, Kartalab Khan, was sent by Shaista Khan on a mission to attack and reduce the number of forts under Shivaji's control in the Konkan region on 3 February 1661. He left his camp near Pune with 30,000 troops. This time the Mughals did not march openly and took circuitous back country routes, as they sought to surprise Shivaji.[12] But instead Shivaji surprised them at a pass known as 'Umber Khind'(in a dense forest, near present-day Pen), and attacked them from all sides. Marathas hidden in the dense forest executed a well co-ordinated ambush attack on the Mughal army.[12] Shivaji himself took the forward position with an elite cavalry unit. The other three sides were flanked by Shivaji's light infantry.

In a well co-ordinated movement of light infantry and cavalry, Shivaji prevailed over the attackers. A Maratha lady commander, Raibagan, who co-led the Mughal forces, analyzed the situation and realised that defeat was imminent and advised Kartalab Khan to accept defeat and initiate a compromise with Shivaji.[8][12] Within four hours into the attack the enemy accepted defeat and surrendered all the supplies, arms and assets. The Mughal army suffered high casualties. The defeated army was allowed a safe passage. Kartalab Khan and Raibagan were released with honour in accordance with Shivaji's terms and his long standing policy towards women and unarmed civilians.[8]

[edit] Shaista Khan

Shaista Khan was ordered by Aurangzeb to attack Shivaji per the Mughal-Adilshahi accord. Shaista Khan, with his better equipped and provisioned army of 100,000 that was many times the size of the Maratha forces, seized Pune and the nearby fort of Chakan. At the time, Firangoji Narsala was the killedar (Commander) of fort Chakan, which was defended by 300–350 Maratha soldiers. They were able to withstand the Mughal attack on the fort for one and a half month. Then, a burj (outer wall) was blown up with explosives. This created an opening to the fort allowing hordes of Mughals to breach the exterior portion of the fort. Firangoji, himself led the Maratha counter attack against a larger Mughal army.[8][12] Eventually, the fort was lost with the capture of Firangoji, who then was brought before Shaista Khan, who, appreciating his bravery, offered him a jahagir (military commission) on the condition that he join the Mughal forces, which Firangoji declined. Admiring his loyalty, Shaista Khan pardoned Firangoji and set him free. Firangoji returned home and Shivaji awarded him a fort named Bhupalgad.[12]

Shaista Khan pressed his advantage of larger, better provisioned and heavily armed Mughal army and made inroads into some of the Maratha territory. Although he held Pune for almost a year, he had little further success. He had set up his residence at Lal Mahal, Shivaji's palace, in the city of Pune.[8]

Shaista Khan kept a tight security in Pune. However, Shivaji planned an attack on Shaista Khan amidst tight security. In April 1663, a wedding party had obtained special permission for a procession; Shivaji planned an attack using the wedding party as cover. The Marathas disguised themselves as the bridegroom's procession and entered Pune. Shivaji, having spent much of his youth in Pune, knew his way around the city and his own palace of Lal Mahal.[8] Chimanaji Deshpande- one of the childhood friends of Shivaji aided him in this attack offering his services as a personal bodyguard. According to Babasaheb Purandare, since Mughal army also consisted of Maratha soldiers, it was difficult for someone to distinguish between Shivaji's Maratha soldiers and the Maratha soldiers of the Mughal army. Thus, taking advantage of this situation, Shivaji, along with a few of his trusted men, infiltrated the Mughal camp.

After overpowering and slaying of the palace guards, the Marathas broke into the mansion by breaching an outer wall. Chimnaji and Netaji Palkar entered first along with Babaji Deshpande, another of Shivaji's long time loyal associates, they approached Shaista Khan's quarters. Shivaji then personally confronted Shaista Khan in a 'face to face' attack. Meanwhile, perceiving danger, one of Shaista's wives turned off the lights. Shivaji pursued Shaista Khan and severed three of his fingers with his sword (in the darkness) as he fled through an open window[citation needed]. Shaista Khan narrowly escaped death and lost his son and many of his guards and soldiers in the raid.[8]

Within twenty-four hours of this attack, Shaista Khan left Pune and headed North towards Agra. An angered Aurangzeb transferred him to distant Bengal as a punishment for bringing embarrassment to the Mughals with his ignoble defeat in Pune[citation needed].

[edit] Surat and Mirza Raja Jai Singh

In 1664 Shivaji invaded Surat, an important and wealthy Mughal trading city, and looted it to replenish his now depleted treasury and also as a revenge for the capture and looting of Maratha territory by Shaista Khan. (Surat was again sacked by Shivaji in 1670.)[8]

Aurangzeb was enraged and sent Mirza Raja Jai Singh I with an army numbering well over 100,000 to defeat Shivaji. Mirza planned and executed his battle stratergies so well with his vast army that the Mughal forces under him made significant gains and captured many Maratha forts. Shivaji thus, decided to surrender for the time-being and come to terms with Aurangzeb rather than lose more forts and men.

In the ensuing treaty of Purander, signed between Shivaji and Jai Singh on 11 June 1665, Shivaji agreed to give up 23 of his forts and pay compensation of 400,000 rupees to the Mughals. He also agreed to let his son Sambhaji become a Mughal Sardar, serve the Mughal court of Aurangzeb and fight with Mughals against Bijapur. He actually fought along side Raja Jai Singh's Mughal forces against Bijapur's forces for a few months. His commander, Netaji Palkar, joined Mughals, was rewarded very well for his bravery, converted to Islam, changed his name to Quli Mohammed Khan in 1666 and was sent to the Afghan frontier to fight the restive tribes. He returned to Shivaji's service after ten years in 1676 and was accepted back as a Hindu on Shivaji's order.

[edit] Trip To Agra and Escape

In 1666, Aurangzeb summoned Shivaji to Agra, along with his nine-year-old son Sambhaji, on the occasion of his fiftieth birthday. Aurangzeb's plan was to send Shivaji to Kandahar, modern day Afghanistan to consolidate the Mughal Empire's north-western frontier. However in the court, on 12 May 1666, Aurangzeb made Shivaji stand behind mansabdārs (military commanders) of his court.[8] Shivaji took offense at this seeming insult and stormed out of court and was promptly placed under house arrest, under the watch of Faulad Khan, Kotwal of Agra. From his spies, Shivaji learned that Aurangzeb planned to move his residence to Raja Vitthaldas's Haveli and then to possibly kill him or send him to fight in the Afghan frontier. As a result Shivaji planned his escape.

He feigned almost fatal sickness and requested to send most of his contingent back to the Deccan, thereby ensuring the safety of his army and deceiving Aurangzeb. Thereafter, on his request, he was allowed to send daily shipments of sweets and gifts to saints, fakirs, and temples in Agra as offerings for getting well.[8] After several days and weeks of sending out boxes containing sweets, Shivaji and his nine year old son Sambhaji hid themselves in two of the boxes and managed to escape. Shivaji and his son fled to the Deccan disguised as sadhus (holy men). After the escape, rumours of Sambhaji's death were intentionally spread by Shivaji himself in order to deceive the Mughals and to protect Sambhaji.[8]

Dr. Ajit Joshi in a book Agryahun Sutka, concluded that Shivaji most likely disguised himself as a Brahmin priest after performance of religious rites at the haveli grounds and escaped by mingling in within the departing priestly entourage.[13] However, according to Mr. Ranjit Desai, author of the Marathi book Shriman Yogi (later translated to English as Shivaji the Great), Shivaji disguised himself as one of the servants who used to carry boxes of sweets which were being sent out as gifts.

The method Shivaji used to escape is still not clear, to this day.

[edit] Preparing for War and Battle of Sinhagad

In the years 1667–69, Shivaji adopted a low profile and began to actively build up his army. His army now consisted of about 40,000 cavalry, 60,000 infantry, a strong navy and a potent artillery. The Mughals had the impression that he was now a spent force and would not cause them any more trouble. But Shivaji was on a war footing and aimed to directly take on the combined might of the Mughal empire. In January 1670, Shivaji launched a multi-pronged assault on Mughal garrisons in the Deccan. Within six months he had regained most of his previously held territory and more.[8] From 1670 to 1674 Shivaji expanded his kingdom to include the major portions of modern-day Maharashtra and far in to the south including parts of modern-day Karnataka and Tamil Nadu.

Bust of Tanaji on Sinhagad fort

Yet, Kondana fort, on the outskirts of Pune, was still under Mughal control. Uday Bhan Rathod, the fort keeper, led an army of about 1,500 Rajputs and Mughals for the protection of the fort. On 4 February 1670 Shivaji deputed one of his most senior and trusted generals, Tanaji Malusare, to head a mission to capture Kondana. At that time, Tanhaji's son's (Raiba's) wedding plans were underway. However, putting his duty for the Maratha Kingdom over his family he said "Aadhi lagin Kondanyache, mag majhya Raibache" (First marriage of Kondhana, and then my son Raiba's).[8]

The Maratha tropps led by Tanaji Malusare was assigned to capture the fort was much smaller than the Mughal forces posted at the fort. Tanaji Malusare surveyed the fort and its defenses for some days. The fort was well guarded. One very sheer cliff caught Tanaji's eye. This side was least guarded as one could not possibly imagine climbing the fort from this steep side. Tanaji decided to scale this cliff to enter the fort. The legend is that, he used a monitor lizard (known as a ghorpad in Marathi) named "Yeshwanti" with a rope tied around its body for climbing this cliff on a moonless night.[8] The lizard was made to climb to the top of the fort. As is the characteristic feature of this lizard, it braced and lodged itself in a tight corner of the fort. Then a soldier climbed to the top and threw ropes for others to climb.

Meanwhile Tanaji's brother Suryaji moved close to the gates of the fort, namely Kalyān Darwāja, with another 300 Mavalas. The gates were soon opened and once inside, all his soldiers joined Tanaji in the surprise attack. Tanaji and Uday Bhan came face to face and a fierce fight ensued. Uday Bhan broke Tanaji's shield with a single blow, Tanaji was not deterred and continued to fight by wrapping his turban around his left hand for protection, to cover up his wounds and stanch the bleeding. Tanaji being grievously wounded, staggerred back and fell. Seeing their leader mortally wounded and dying before them, the Maratha soldiers started to back-up and retreat, Suryaji and Shelar Mama stepped up and assumed leadership.

Shelar Mama, an old Sardar aged 83, took charge and faced to challenge Uday Bhan and killed him in short order. Suryaji, then stepped in front and center to rally the troops and led them back on the offensive. Legend and folk lore has it that, after the fall of Tanaji, the mavlas panicked and made a hasty retreat. Seeing this, Suryaji commented, "Why are you running like sheep? I have cut the ropes and all the escape routes are gone. Now we either fight or die." Marathas now out of any other options, charged the Mughal defenders fiercely and succeeded in capturing the fort.[8]

When Shivaji reached the fort after the victory, he was deeply bereaved at the loss of his good friend Tanaji. He sadly commented "Gadh ala puhn sinha gela" (The fort was won but the lion was lost). Thereafter Kondana Fort was renamed Sinhagad (Lion Fort) to honour Tanaji Malusare's sacrifice and bravery.[8]

[edit] Battle of Nesari

In 1674, Prataprao Gujar, the then Commander-in chief of the Maratha forces, was sent to push back the invading force led by the Adil Shahi general, Bahlol Khan. Shivaji had directed Prataprao to finish off Bahlol Khan, who had proved to be treacherous in the past. The Maratha army surrounded the camp of Bahlol Khan at the village of Nesari. Prataprao's forces defeated and captured the opposing general in the battle after cutting-off their water supply by encircling a strategically located lake, which prompted Bahlol khan to sue for peace. In spite of Shivaji's specific warnings against doing so Prataprao released Bahlol Khan. Days after his release Bahlol Khan started preparing for a fresh invasion.[14]

When Shivaji heard of Prataprao's decision he was greatly displeased and sent a letter to Prataprao refusing him audience until Bahlol Khan was re-captured. Prataprao realised the full extend of his strategic error and was so upset about it, that he now desperately wanted to redeem himself. In the ensuing days, he learnt of Bahlol Khan having camped nearby. Prataprao decided to confront Bahlol Khan at Nesari near Kolhapur.

The potential battle would have had Gujar with 1,200 troops facings Khan with 15,000. Given the uneven match Prataprao reasoned that there was no point in leading his 1,200 cavalrymen into a suicide charge. So in a fit of desperation and anguish and in an over-reaction to Shivaji's letter, he left by himself, without asking his cavalry to accompany him. It was his personal honor at stake, not his army's. On seeing their leader head to certain death six other Maratha sardars joined him in the charge, they attacked the enemy camp and were cut down before they could reach Bahlol Khan.

Anandrao Mohite, though, stayed back. The seven Maratha officers were Prataprao Gujar, Visaji Ballal, Dipoji Rautrao, Vithal Pilaji Atre, Krishnaji Bhaskar, Siddi Hilal and Vithoji. It was an impulsive and seeemingly irrational decision, and the loss of Prataprao Gujar was a big loss to the Marathas. Anandrao Mohite managed to withdraw the army to safer areas.[15]

This event was retold in the Marathi poem "Saat" (Seven). The poem was written by a well known poet, Kusumagraj and was also sung by the great Indian songtress Lata Mangeshkar.

Shivaji's army then avenged the death of their general, by defeating Bahlol Khan and capturing his jagir (fiefdom) under the leadership of Anaji and Hambirao Mohite. Shivaji was deeply grieved on hearing of Pratprao's death. He arranged for the marriage of his second son, Rajaram, to the daughter of Prataprao Gujar, who was later to be the Queen of the Maratha Empire, Maharani Tarabai. Anandrao Mohite became Hambirrao Mohite, the new Sarnaubat(Commander-in-chief of the Maratha forces).

[edit] Coronation and Southern Expedition

Chhattrapati Shivaji, founder of the Maratha Confederacy

Shivaji was formally crowned Chhatrapati (Chief, or King of the Kshatriyas), on 6 June 1674 at Raigad fort, and given the title Kshatriya Kulavantas Sinhasanadheeshwar Chhatrapati Shivaji Mahārāj. Pandit Gaga Bhatt, a renowned Brahmin from Varanasi, officially presided over the ceremony declaring that Shivaji's lineage was a bonafide and recognized Kshatriya (A Sisodia Rajput from Mewar same Rajput clan as of Great Rajput warrior Maharana Pratap) .[8][16][17][18] He was bestowed with the Jaanva, (in Hindi- Janeu, the sacred thread), with the Vedas and was bathed in an abhisheka. Shivaji had insisted on an Indrabhishek ritual, which had fallen into disuse since the 9th century. Shivaji then had the title of "shakakarta" conferred upon him.

His mother Jijabai died on 18 June 1674 within a few days of the coronation. This was considered a bad omen. Therefore a second coronation was carried out in September 1674, this time according to the Bengal school of Tantricism and presided over by Nischal Puri.

In October 1674, the Marathas raided Khandesh. On 17 April 1675 Shivaji captured Phonda from Bijapuris. Karwar was occupied by mid 1675 and Kolhapur in July 1675. There were naval skirmishes with the Siddis of Janjira in November 1675. In early 1676, Peshwa Pingale engaged Raja of Ramnagar in battle en route to Surat. Shivaji raided Athni in March 1676. By the end of 1676, Shivaji besieged Belgaum and Vayem Rayim in current day northern karnataka.

At the end of 1676, Shivaji Maharaj launched a wave of conquests in southern India with a massive force of 50,000 (30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry).[8] He captured the forts at Vellore and Jinji that belonged to the sultanate of Bijapur and are in modern-day Tamilnadu. In the run-up to this expedition Shivaji appealed to a sense of Deccani patriotsm (that is the idea that the "Deccan" or Southern India was a homeland that should be protected from outsiders).[19] His appeal was somewhat successful and he entered into a treaty with the Qutubshah of the Golconda sultanate that covered the eastern Deccan. Shivají's conquests in the south proved quite crucial during future wars.

Jinjee served as Maratha capital for 9 years during the War of 27 years. However, his main intention was to reconcile with his stepbrother Vyankoji (his father Shahaji's son from his second wife, who came from the Mohite family) who ruled Thanjavur after Shahaji. They had talks, Venkoji (Ekoji I) showed signs of uniting with Shivaji but then no concrete result was obtained.[8] On return to Raigad, Shivaji seized most of Ekoji's possessions in the Mysore plateau. Ekoji's wife brought reconciliation between the two brothers so they were not enemies and maintained the status quo of co-existing independently.

[edit] Rule

Shivaji Maharaj was an able administrator who established a government that included modern concepts such as cabinet (Ashtapradhan mandal), foreign affairs (Dabir) and internal intelligence.[20] Shivaji established an effective civil and military administration. He also built a powerful navy and erected new forts like Sindhudurg and strengthened old ones like Vijaydurg on the west coast.[8] The Maratha navy held its own against the British, Portuguese and Dutch.[21]

Shivaji is well known for his benevolent attitude towards his subjects. He believed that there was a close bond between the state and the citizens. He encouraged all accomplished and competent individuals to participate in the ongoing political/military struggle. He is remembered as a just and welfare-minded king. He brought revolutionary changes in military organisation, fort architecture, society and politics.[8]

Shivaji's approach to leadership was that of a champion for his people, he sought independence and self rule for his Vatan (Homeland). The Maratha's respected and looked up to his high ideals and noble character and were unwavering in their dedication to achieving these goals. Their loyalty and determination helped Shivaji to withstand, to cope and to finally overcome succeeding waves of, well co-ordinated and unrelenting enemy attacks and invasions spanning several decades. An example of this is how readily his men like Baji Prabhu Despande and others volunteered to face even the likelihood of certain death at Ghod Khind to help Shivaji continue the fight of independence - eliciting such heroism from followers cannot be mandated, it can only be inspired by, purity of character, noble and awe inspiring leadership and a truly shared vision for homeland.

He was also an innovator and an able commander, he successfully used effective tactics including hit-and-run, strategic expansion of territories and forts, formation of highly mobile light cavalry and infantry units, adaptation of strategic battle plans and formations, whereby he succeeded in out-manoeuvering, time and again, his vastly bigger and highly determined enemies. Towards the end of his reign he had built up the Maratha forces to be over one hundred thousand strong. He was able to effectively keep the Mughal forces in check and on the defensive while expanding his kingdom southwards to Jinji, Tamil Nadu.[8] Shivaji Maharaj's kingdom served as a Hindu bulwark against Mughal powers within India. His brilliant strategic and tactical maneuvering on battlefields, acute management and administrative skills helped him to lay the foundations of the future Maratha empire in India.

[edit] Character

During his long military career and various campaigns his strong religious and warrior code of ethics, exemplary character and deep seated and uncompromising spiritual values directed him to offer protection to houses of worship, non-combatants, women and children. He always showed respect, defended and protected places of worship of all denominations and religions. He is known as a Rajyogi

He boldly risked his life, his treasure, his personal well being and that of his family, to openly challenge his immensely larger enemies to defend and achieve freedom and independence for his country. He unflinchingly defied overwhelming odds stacked against him by the mighty Mughal Empire and the regional sultanates. He overcame and succeeded in the face of an unprecedented level of difficulties and challenges unrelentingly posed by his enemies.[8] He did not spend any resources on projects designed for self-aggrandizement or vanity, instead he was propelled by his deeply held sense of Dharma (sacred duty) to his people and country.[8]

A Maratha folklore tells of an event when Shivaji was presented a beautiful Muslim princess (daughter of amir of Kalyan, Maharashtra) as a trophy by one of his captains. Shivaji was reported to have told this lady that if his mother was as strikingly beautiful as she was, perhaps he would have been handsome as well. He wished her well and allowed her to return to her family unharmed and under his protection. In that instance, the true nobility of his character was plainly revealed to all that were present there.

[edit] Military

Pratapgad

Shivaji's genius is most evident in his military organisation, which lasted till the demise of the Maratha empire. He was one of the pioneers of commando actions, "Ganimi Kava" a term used for such a warfare, (though the term "commando" is modern).[22] His Mavala army's war cry was 'Har Har Mahadev' (Hail Lord Our God).[8] Shivaji was responsible for many significant changes in military organization. These include -

  • A standing army belonging to the state called paga;
  • All war horses belonged to the state; responsibility for their upkeep rested on the Sovereign.
  • Creation of part time soldiers from peasants who worked for eight months in their fields and supported four months in war for which they were paid.
  • Highly mobile and light infantry and cavalry were his innovations and they excelled in commando tactics;
  • The introduction of a centralized intelligence department, (Bahirjee Naik was the foremost spy who provided Shivaji with enemy information in all of Shivaji's campaigns)
  • A potent and effective navy.
  • Introduction of field craft viz. Guerrilla warfare, commando actions, swift flanking attacks;
  • Innovation of weapons and firepower, innovative use of traditional weapons like tiger claw or 'Vaghnakh'. 'Vita' was a weapon invented by Shivaji ;
  • Militarisation of almost the entire society, including all classes, with the entire peasant population of settlements and villages near forts actively involved in their defence.[8]

Shivaji realized the importance of having a secure coastline and protecting the western Konkan coastline from the attacks of Siddi's fleet.[8][23][24] His strategy was to build a strong navy to protect and bolster his kingdom, he was also concerned about the growing dominance of foreign British India naval forces in Indian waters and actively sought to resist it. For this very reason he is also referred to as the "Father of Indian Navy".[25]

[edit] Forts of Shivaji

Shivajicaptured the forts of Murumbdev,Torana,Kondhana and Purandar and laid the foundation of swaraj.Shivaji had control of 360 forts when he died.Shivaji constructed a chain of 300 or more forts running over a thousand kilometres across the rugged Western Ghats. Each were placed under three officers of equal status lest a single traitor be bribed/tempted to deliver it to the enemy. The officers (Sabnis, Havladar, Sarnobhat) acted jointly and provided mutual checks balance.

[edit] Promotion of Sanskrit

The house of Shivaji Maharaj was one of the Indian royal families who were well acquainted with Sanskrit and promoted it. The root can be traced from Shahaji who supported Jayram Pindye and many like him. Shivaji Maharaj's seal was prepared by him. Shivaji continued this trait and developed it further. He named his forts as Sindhudurg, Prachandgarh, Suvarndurg etc. He named the Ashta Pradhan (council of ministers) as per Sanskrit nomenclature viz. Nyayadhish, Senapati etc. He got Rajya Vyavahar Kosh (a political treatise) prepared. His Rajpurohit Keshav Pandit was himself a Sanskrit scholar and poet.[26] After his death, Sambhaji, who was himself a Sanskrit scholar (his verse - Budhbhushanam), continued it. Serfoji II from the Thanjavur branch of the Bhosale continued the tradition by printing by modern methods, first book in Marathi Devnagari.[citation needed]

Sambhaji issued one danapatra (donation plaque), which is in Sanskrit composed by himself in which he writes about his father as:

  1. Yavanarambha gritat mlechakshaydiksha: - Shivaji had taken a sacred oath and was on mission to defeat foreign invaders
  2. Dillindraman pradhvanspatu: One who has defeated the Mughal Emperor of Delhi
  3. Vijayapuradhishwar prathtarmanya bhujchachayay: One whose help was sought by Adilshahi King of Vijaypur[citation needed]

[edit] Religion

Shivaji was a devout Hindu and he respected all religions within the region. Shivaji had great respect for other contemporary saints, most notably Tukaram and also saits from other religion. [27].

Shivaji allowed his subjects freedom of religion and opposed forced conversion.[8][28] The first thing Shivaji did after a conquest was to promulgate protection of mosques and Muslim tombs.

He commanded the respect and fealty of the Muslims under his command by his fair treatment of his friends as well as enemies.[8] Kafi Khan, the Mughal historian and Bernier, a French traveler, spoke highly of his religious policy. He also brought back converts like Netaji Palkar and Bajaji back in to Hinduism. He prohibited slavery in his kingdom.[8] Shivaji Maharaj applied a humane and liberal policy to the women of his state.[29] There are many instances in folklore which describe Shivaji's respect for women, irrespective of their religion, nationality, or creed.

Shivaji's sentiments of inclusivity and tolerance of other religions can be seen in an admonishing letter to Aurangzeb, in which he wrote:'[29][30][31]

" Verily, Islam and Hinduism are terms of contrast. They are used by the true Divine Painter for blending the colours and filling in the outlines. If it is a mosque, the call to prayer is chanted in remembrance of Him. If it is a temple, the bells are rung in yearning for Him alone. "

[edit] Legacy

Statue of Shivaji mounted on a horse at Gateway of India

Because of his struggle against an imperial power, Shivaji became an icon of freedom fighters in the Indian independence struggle that followed two centuries later. He is remembered as a just and wise king and his rule is called one of the six golden ages in Indian history. School texts in India describe Shivaji Maharaj's rule as heroic, exemplary and inspiring and he is considered the founder of the modern Marathi nation; his policies were instrumental in building a distinct Maharashtrian identity and infusing it with strong martial and moral traditions.

A regional sectarian political party, the Shiv Sena, claims to draw inspiration from Shivaji Maharaj. The World Heritage site of Victoria Terminus and Sahar International Airport in Mumbai were renamed Chatrapati Shivaji Terminus and Chatrapati Shivaji International Airport respectively in Shivaji Maharaj's honour, as have many public buildings and spaces in recent years. The School of Naval Engineering of the Indian Navy is named as INS Shivaji.

" Shivaji was the greatest Hindu king that India had produced within the last thousand years; one who was the very incarnation of lord Siva, about whom prophecies were given out long before he was born; and his advent was eagerly expected by all the great souls and saints of Maharashtra as the deliverer of the Hindus from the hands of the Mlecchas, and as one who succeeded in the reestablishment of Dharma which had been trampled under foot by the depredations of the devastating hordes of the Moghals. "

—Swami Vivekananda

Swami Vivekananda also said the following: "Shivaji was one of the greatest national saviours who emancipated our society and our Dharma when they were faced with the threat of total destruction. He was a peerless hero, a pious and God-fearing king and verily a manifestation of all the virtues of a born leader of men described in our ancient scriptures. He also embodied the deathless spirit of our land and stood as the light of hope for our future."

[edit] Depiction in popular culture

Shivaji is a source of inspiration for a number of artists, directors, actors, writers, shahirs (ballad composers), poets and orators.

[edit] Films

[edit] Literature

  • Chatrapati Shivaji: biography authored by Setu Madhavrao Pagdi (Devanagari: सेतु माधवराव पगडी) (1910–1994) a historian from India.'Chhatrapati Shivaji' is a comprehensive biography of Shivaji Maharaj covering all the chronological historic events with supportive reference from various literature chronicles(Bakhars)available in various languages i.e. English, Marathi, Urdu Hindi, Persian manuscripts etc. All the factual aspects related to Shivaji Maharaj are described with due importance. The events covered give a realistic idea of Shivaji's life, performance and struggle for freedom(Swarajya). Shivaji's childhood, Afzalkhan episode, shaistekhan, relation with Jaising, visit to Agra, war with the Mughals, Coronation, Campaign of Jinjir and the last two years before death of Shivaji are also property illustrated.
  • 'Sriman yogi': novel written on Shivaji Maharaj's life by Ranjit Desai.
  • Shivaji The Great: English translation of 'Shriman Yogi' by Dr. V. D. Katamble

[edit] Poetry and music

[edit] Theatre

  • 'Raigadala Jevha Jaag Yete' (When Raigad awakes): by Marathi playwright Vasant Kanetkar based on the complex relationship between Shivaji Maharaj and Sambhaji.
  • 'Jaanata Raja' (जाणता राजा),a musical tale of Shivaji Maharaj's life based on Raja Shivachhatrapati by Babasaheb Purandare

[edit] Television

  • Raja ShivChhatrapati: TV serial on Star Pravah, a Marathi channel of Star India Network. The serial was launched in November 2008 and is expected to run for more than 100 one-hour episodes, in which the role of Raja Shivaji is played by Dr. Amol Kolhe

[edit] Associates

Some of Shivaji's close associates were also his primary army chieftains, and have entered folklore along with him. Notable ones include: Antaji Konde-Deshmukh, Baji Prabhu Deshpande, Bapuji Mudgal Deshpande, Chimanaji Deshpande, Dhanaji Jadhav, Firangoji Narsala, Gomaji Naik, Hambirrao Mohite, Kanhoji Jedhe, Murarbaji Deshpande, Netaji Palkar, Prataprao Gujar, Rango Narayan Orpe, Santaji Ghorpade, and Tanaji Malusare.

Under Shivaji Maharaj, many men of talent and enterprise rose into prominence. They carried forward his mission and ensured the defeat of the Mughals in the War of 27 years. These include Santaji Ghorpade, Dhanaji Jadhav, and Kanhoji Angre.

[edit] Accounts of contemporary foreign travellers

Many foreign travellers who visited India during Shivaji Maharaj's time wrote about him.

  • Abbe Carre was a French traveller who visited India around 1670; his account was published as Voyage des Indes Orientales mêlé de plusieurs histories curieuses at Paris in 1699. Some quotes:
"

"Hardly had he won a battle or taken to town in one end of the kingdom than he was at the other extremity causing havoc everywhere and surprising important places. To this quickness of movement he added, like Julius Caesar, a clemency and bounty that won him the hearts of those his arms had worsted." "In his courage and rapidity he does not ill resemble the king of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus."

"
"

"I forgot to mention that during pillage of Sourate, Seva-ji, the Holy Seva-ji! Respected the habitation of the reverend father Ambrose, the Capuchin missionary. 'The Frankish Padres are good men', he said 'and shall not be attacked.' He spared also the house of a deceased Delale or Gentile broker, of the Dutch, because assured that he had been very charitable while alive."

"
  • Cosme da Guarda says in "Life of the Celebrated Sevaji":
"

Such was the good treatment Shivaji accorded to people and such was the honesty with which he observed the capitulations that none looked upon him without a feeling of love and confidence. By his people he was exceedingly loved. Both in matters of reward and punishment he was so impartial that while he lived he made no exception for any person; no merit was left unrewarded, no offence went unpunished; and this he did with so much care and attention that he specially charged his governors to inform him in writing of the conduct of his soldiers, mentioning in particular those who had distinguished themselves, and he would at once order their promotion, either in rank or in pay, according to their merit. He was naturally loved by all men of valor and good conduct."

"
Preceded by
new state
Chhatrapati of the
Maratha Empire

1674 – 1680
Succeeded by
Sambhaji

[edit] References

  1. ^ Official date accepted by the Government of Maharashtra, "Finally, single Shiv Jayanti". Pune: The Times of India. 4 February 2003. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/pune/Finally-single-Shiv-Jayanti/articleshow/36498512.cms. Retrieved 2010-01-27. 
  2. ^ a b c Previously disputed, Bhawan Singh Rana (2005). Chhatrapati Shivaji. A.H.W. Sameer series. Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd.. p. 11. ISBN 9788128808265. 
  3. ^ Bhawan Singh Rana (2005-01-01). Chhatrapati Shivaji. Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd.. p. 18. ISBN 8128808265. http://books.google.com/?id=HsBPTc3hcekC. 
  4. ^ Raṇajita Desāī; V. D. Katamble (2003). Shivaji the Great. Balwant Printers Pvt. Ltd.. p. 193. ISBN 8190200003. http://books.google.com/?id=N5mIVt_Zd-0C. 
  5. ^ "Gutenberg connection". Indianexpress.com. 2010-03-07. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/Gutenberg-connection/587696. Retrieved 2010-09-27. 
  6. ^ a b c http://www.jstor.org/pss/2053980
  7. ^ a b c http://www.jstor.org/pss/4407933
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao Purandare, Babasaheb (August 2003), Raja Shivachhatrapati (Marathi: राजा शिवछत्रपती) (15 ed.), Pune: Purandare Prakashan 
  9. ^ a b c d e Jadunath Sarkar (1919). Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and His Times (Second ed.). London: Longmans, Green and Co.. 
  10. ^ "Finally, single Shiv Jayanti". Pune: The Times of India. 4 February 2003. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/pune/Finally-single-Shiv-Jayanti/articleshow/36498512.cms. Retrieved 2010-01-27. 
  11. ^ N. Jayapalan (2001). History of India. Atlantic Publishers & Distri. p. 211. ISBN 9788171569281. 
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Raja ShivChhatrapati. Producer-Nitin Desai. Star Pravah.
  13. ^ "Agryahun Sutka (Escape from Agra) by Dr. Ajit Joshi". Shivapratap Prakashan, Pune. 1997. http://www.agraescape.itgo.com. Retrieved 2010-11-12. 
  14. ^ Desāī, Raṇajita; V. D. Katamble (2003). Shivaji the Great. Balwant Printers Pvt. Ltd.. p. 665. ISBN 9788190200004. http://books.google.com/?id=N5mIVt_Zd-0C&pg=PA665&dq=%22Prataprao+Gujar%22. Retrieved 2008-09-22. 
  15. ^ Ranade, Mahadeo Govind (2006). Rise of the Marathapower. Read Books. p. 35. ISBN 9781406736427. http://books.google.com/?id=tmhYdpc_HkUC&pg=PA35&vq=%22Prataprao+Gujar%22&dq=%22Prataprao+Gujar%22. Retrieved 2008-09-22. 
  16. ^ Those Supermen In History,By Ramachandra Guha, A Washington Itinerary (Telegraph, K.P. NAYAR , 16 June 2001) retrieved on 04/07/2009 from [www.telegraphindia.com/1010616/editoria.htm]
  17. ^ 2
  18. ^ Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, at the time of his Coronation, presented compelling evidence that he belonged to the Gahlot(i.e. Sisodiya/Ranas of Mewar) Clan . The Bhonsale in the Maratha clan system of Maratha caste shows Guru: Shankkayan, and Gotra: Kaushika
  19. ^ Gijs Kruijtzer,Xenophobia in Seventeenth-Century India (Leiden: Leiden University Press, 2009), 153–190.
  20. ^ Kamat, K. L.. "Short Bio: Maratha King Shivaji". Kamat's Potpourri. http://www.kamat.com/kalranga/maharashtra/shivaji.htm. Retrieved 2006-11-19. 
  21. ^ "Indian Naval Hospital Ship INHS Dhanvantari". Indiannavy.nic.in. 2010-08-25. http://indiannavy.nic.in/history.htm. Retrieved 2010-09-27. 
  22. ^ Kasar (2005). Rigveda to Raigarh making of Shivaji the great. Manudevi Prakashan. 
  23. ^ edited by Om Prakash. (2001) (in Prakash). Encyclopaedic History of Indian Freedom Movement. Anmol Publications. p. 274. ISBN 8126109386. http://books.google.com/?id=o5vHbY3VPyEC. 
  24. ^ Sarkar, Sir Jadunath (1920) (in Sarkar). Shivaji and His Times. Longmans, Green and co. p. 294. http://books.google.com/?id=7xNFAAAAIAAJ. 
  25. ^ Setumadhavarao S. Pagadi. (1993) (in Pagadi). SHIVAJI. NATIONAL BOOK TRUST. p. 21. ISBN 8123706472. http://books.google.com/?id=UVFuAAAAMAAJ. 
  26. ^ Majumdar, R.C. (ed.) (2007). The Mughul Empire, Mumbai: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, ISBN 81-7276-407-1, pp.609,634
  27. ^ Kincaid, Charles; Parasnis, Dattaray (1918), A History of the Maratha People, 1, London: Oxford University Press, p. 183-194, http://www.archive.org/details/historyofmaratha01kincuoft 
  28. ^ Mughal Rule in India By Stephen Meredyth Edwardes, Herbert Leonard Offley Garrett,ISBN 81-7156-551-4, 9788171565511
  29. ^ a b Zakaria, Rafique, "Communal Rage in Secular India", Popular Prakashan, Mumbai (2003)
  30. ^ Central Chronicle Letter D. Pande. Retrieved on 2007-03-07
  31. ^ Book Review IMC India. Retrieved on 2007-03-07
  32. ^ From Aathavanitli Gani
  33. ^ From Aathavanitli Gani

[edit] Further reading

  • Shri Raja Shiv Chhatrapati (Vol 1 & 2) By Gajanan Mehendale
  • Shivaji, the great Maratha By H. S. Sardesai
  • Babasaheb Purandare. Raja Shivachhatrapati. 
  • Jysingrao Bhausaheb Pawar. Shivchatrapati- Ek Magowa. 
  • Chhatrapati Shivaji: Coronation Tercentenary Commemoration Volume. Bombay. 1974–75. 
  • Duff, Grant (1826). History of Marhattas. London: Oxford University Press. http://books.google.com/books?id=FKQ9AAAAMAAJ. 
  • V.D.Katamble. Shivaji the Great. Pune: Balwant Printers. 
  • Kasar, D.B. (2005). Rigveda to Raigarh - Making of Shivaji the Great. Mumbai: Manudevi Prakashan. 
  • Vishwas Patil (2006). Sambhaji. Pune: Mehta Publishing House. ISBN 81-7766-651-7. 
  • Joshi, Ajit (1997). Agryahun Sutka. Marathi, Pune: Shivapratap Prakashan. 
  • Parulekar, Shyamrao (1982). Yashogatha Vijaya durg. Vijaydurg. 
  • Jyotirao Phule (1869). Chatrapati Shivaji Raje Bhosle Yanche Powade. Marathi. 
  • Jadunath Sarkar. Shivaji and his times. Calcutta. 
  • Rafique Zakaria (2003). Communal Rage in Secular India. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. 
  • Mahesh Tendulkar. Runzunjar Senapati Santaji Ghorpade. 


 

1984 anti-Sikh riots

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Following the assassination of Indira Gandhi, armed mobs set fire to Sikh homes and businesses in Delhi

The 1984 Anti-Sikh riots, also referred to as the 1984 Anti-Sikh Pogroms or Massacres,[1][2][3][4] were four days of violence in northern India, particularly Delhi, during which armed mobs belonging to Indian National Congress, killed unarmed Sikh men, women, and children, looted and set fire to Sikh homes, businesses and schools, and attacked Gurdwaras.

The violence began in June 1984, during Operation Blue Star, when Indira Gandhi ordered the Indian Army to attack Sikh separatists in the Golden Temple. The attack on the Golden Temple resulted in innocent pilgrims being killed, and religious artifacts and historical buildings being destroyed. The attack, and a later operation by Indian paramilitary forces to clear separatists from the countryside of Punjab, was perceived by many moderate Sikhs as an assault on their faith.

The violence in Delhi was triggered by the assassination of Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984, by two of her Sikh bodyguards in response to her actions during the preceding months. The Government of India reported 2,700 Sikh deaths however human rights organizations and newspapers report the death toll to be 10,000-17,000. In the aftermath of the riot, the Government of India reported 20,000 had fled the city, however the PUCL reported "at least" 50,000 displaced persons.[5] The most affected regions were neighborhoods in Delhi. Human rights organizations and the newspapers believe the massacre was organized.[3][6] The collusion of political officials in the massacres and the failure to prosecute any killers alienated normal Sikhs and increased support for the Khalistan movement.[7] The Akal Takht, the governing religious body of Sikhism, most definitely considers the killings to be a genocide.[8]

Contents

[hide]

[edit] Characteristics of violence

After the assassination of Indira Gandhi on 31 October 1984, by two of her Sikh bodyguards, riots erupted on 1 November 1984, and continued in some areas for days, killing some 8000 Sikhs.[3] Sultanpuri, Mangolpuri, Trilokpuri, and other Trans-Yamuna areas of Delhi were the worst affected. The mobs carried iron rods, knives, clubs, and combustible material, including kerosene. The mobs swarmed into Sikh neighborhoods, arbitrarily killing any Sikh men or women they could find. Their shops and houses were ransacked and burned. In other incidents, armed mobs stopped buses and trains, in and around Delhi, pulling out Sikh passengers to be lynched or doused with kerosene and burnt.

Such wide-scale violence cannot take place without police help. Delhi Police, whose paramount duty was to upkeep law and order situation and protect innocent lives, gave full help to rioters who were in fact Congress Workers or else mercenaries hired by the Indian National Congress who where working under able guidance of sycophant leaders like Jagdish Tytler and H K L Bhagat. It is a known fact that many jails, sub-jails and lock-ups were opened for three days and prisoners, for the most part hardened criminals, were provided fullest provisions, means and instruction to "teach the Sikhs a lesson". But it will be wrong to say that Delhi Police did nothing, for it took full and keen action against Sikhs who tried to defend themselves. The Sikhs who opened fire to save their lives and property had to spend months dragging heels in courts after-wards.

-Jagmohan Singh Khurmi, The Tribune

These "riots" are alternately referred to as pogroms[1][2][3][9] or massacres.[10][11]

[edit] Meetings and Distribution of weapons

On October 31, the crowd around the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), began shouting for revenge with slogans like "Blood for blood" and turned into an unruly mob. At 5:20 PM, President Zail Singh arrived at the hospital and the mob outside stoned his car. The mob began assaulting Sikhs by stopping cars and buses to pull Sikhs out of them and burn their turbans.[12] The violence on October 31 was restricted to the area around the AIIMS and did not result in any Sikh deaths.[12] People in other parts of Delhi reported their neighborhoods were peaceful.

Throughout the night of October 31 and morning of November 1, Congress (I) party leaders met with local supporters to distribute money and weapons. Congress party MP Sajjan Kumar and Trade Union leader Lalit Maken handed out out 100 rupee notes and bottles of liquor assailants.[12] On the morning of November 1, Sajjan Kumar was seen holding rallies in, at least, the following Delhi neighborhoods; in Palam Colony from 6:30 AM to 7:00 AM, in Kiran Gardens from 8:00 AM to 8:30 AM, and in Sultanpuri from around 8:30 AM to 9:00 AM.[12] In Kiran Gardens at 8:00 AM, Sajjan Kumar was seen distributing iron rods from a parked truck to a group of 120 people and instructing them to "attack Sikhs, kill them, and loot and burn their properties".[12] At an undefined time in the morning of November 1, Sajjan Kumar led a mob of people along the Palam Railway main road to the Mangolpuri neighborhood where the crowd answered his calls with chants of "Kill the Sardars" and "Indira Gandhi is our mother and these people have killed her".[13] In Sultanpuri, Moti Singh, a Sikh who had served in the Congress party for 20 years heard Sajjan Kumar give the following speech:

Whoever kills the sons of the snakes, I will reward them. Whoever kills Roshan Singh and Bagh Singh will get 5000 rupees each and 1000 rupees each for killing any other Sikhs. You can collect these prizes on November 3 from my personal assistant Jai Chand Jamadar.[note 1]

In the neighbhorhood of Sharkapur, Congress (I) leader Shyam Tyagi's home was used as a meeting place for an undefined number of people.[14] H. K. L. Bhagat, the Minister of Information and Broadcasting distributed money to Boop Tyagi, Shyam Tyagi's brother, and ordered him to "Keep these two thousand rupees for liquor and do as I have told you....You need not worry at all. I will look after everything."[14]

During the night of October 31, Balwan Khokhar, a local Congress (I) party leader who was later implicated in the ensuing massacre, held a meeting at the Ration Shop of Pandit Harkesh in the Palam Colony.[14] At 8:30 AM on November 1, Shankar Lal Sharma, an active Congress party supporter, held a meeting at his shop where he formed a mob and had the people swear to kill Sikhs.[14]

The chief weapon used by the mobs, kerosene was supplied by a group of Congress Party leaders who owned filling stations.[15] In Sultanpuri, Brahmanand Gupta, the president of the A-4 block Congress Party distributed oil while Congress Party MP Sajjan Kumar "instructed the crowd to kill Sikhs, and to loot and burn their properties" as he had in other meetings throughout New Delhi.[15] In much the same way, meetings were held in places like Cooperative Colony in Bokaro where P.K. Tripathi, president of the local Congress Party and owner of a gas station in Nara More, provided kerosene to mobs.[15] Aseem Shrivastava, a Masters student at the Delhi School of Economics described the organized nature of the mobs in an affidavit submitted to the Misra Commission:

The attack on Sikhs and their property in our locality appeared to be an extremely organized affair...There were also some young men on motorcycles, who were instructing the mobs and supplying them with kerosene oil from time to time. On more than a few occasions we saw auto-rickshaw arriving with several tins of kerosene oil and other inflammable material such as jute-sacks.[16]

A senior official at the Ministry of Home Affairs informed journalist Ivan Fera, that an arson investigation of several businesses burned in the pogroms had uncovered an unnamed combustible chemical "whose provision required large-scale coordination".[17] Eyewitness reports confirmed the use of a combustible chemical besides kerosene.[17] The Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee later identified 70 affidavits which cited the use of a highly flammable chemical in its written arguments before the Misra Commission.[15]

[edit] Use of voter lists by the Congress Party

On October 31, Congress party officials provided assailants with voter lists, school registration forms, and ration lists.[18] The lists were used to find the location of Sikh homes and business, an otherwise impossible task because they were located in unmarked and diverse neighborhoods. On the night of October 31, the night before the massacres began, assailants used the lists to mark the houses of Sikhs with letter "S".[18] In addition, because most of the mobs were illiterate, Congress Party officials provided help in reading the lists and leading the mobs to Sikh homes and businesses in the other neighborhoods.[15] By using the lists the mobs were able to pinpoint the locations of Sikhs they otherwise would have missed.[15]

In some cases, the mobs returned to locations where they knew Sikhs were hiding after consulting their lists. One man, Amar Singh, escaped the initial attack on his house by having a Hindu neighbor drag him into his neighbor's house and declare him dead. However, a group of 18 assailants later came looking for his body, and when his neighbor replied that others had already taken away the body an assailant showed him a list and replied, "Look, Amar Singh's name has not been struck off from the list so his dead body has not been taken away."[15] Sikh men not in their homes were easily identified by their distinctive turban and beard while Sikh women were identified by their dress.

[edit] Timeline of events

[edit] First day (31 October)

  • 9:20 AM: Indira Gandhi is shot by two of her Sikh security guards at her residence, No. 1 Safdarjung Road, and rushed to All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS).
  • 10:50 AM: Indira Gandhi dies.[19][20]
  • 11:00 AM: All India Radio listeners learn that the two security guards who shot Indira Gandhi were Sikhs.
  • 4:00 PM: Rajiv Gandhi returns from West Bengal and reaches AIIMS. Stray incidents of attacks in and around that area.
  • 5:30 PM: The motorcade of President Zail Singh, who is returning from a foreign visit, is stoned as it approaches AIIMS.
evening and night
  • Mobs fan out in different directions from AIIMS.
  • The violence, including violence towards Sikhs and destruction of Sikh properties, spreads.
  • Rajiv Gandhi is sworn in as the Prime Minister.
  • Senior advocate and opposition leader Ram Jethmalani, meets Home Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and urges him to take immediate steps to protect Sikhs from further attacks.
  • Delhi's Lt. Governor, P.G. Gavai and Police Commissioner, S.C. Tandon, visits some of the affected areas.

[edit] Second day (1 November)

  • The first killing of a Sikh occurs in east Delhi.
  • 9:00 AM: Armed mobs take over the streets of Delhi and launch a massacre.
Among the first targets are Gurdwaras, the holy temples of Sikhs, possibly to prevent Sikhs from collecting there and putting up a combined defense.

The worst affected areas are low income colonies like Trilokpuri, Mongolpuri, Sultanpuri and Palam Colony. The few areas where the local police stations take prompt measures against mobs see hardly any killings or major violence. Farsh Bazar and Karol Bagh are two such examples.

[edit] Third day (2 November)

Curfew is announced throughout Delhi, but is not enforced. The Army deployed throughout Delhi too but ineffective because the police did not co-operate with soldiers (who are not allowed to open fire without the consent of senior police officers and executive magistrates).

Mobs continue to rampage.

[edit] Fourth day (3 November)

Violence continues. By late evening, the national Army and local police units work together to subdue the violence. After law enforcement intervention, violence is comparatively mild and sporadic.

[edit] Aftermath

Mobs looted goods from Sikh businesses during the riots

The Delhi High Court, while pronouncing its verdict on a riots-related case in 2009, stated:[21]

" Though we boast of being the world's largest democracy and the Delhi being its national capital, the sheer mention of the incidents of 1984 anti-Sikh riots in general and the role played by Delhi Police and state machinery in particular makes our heads hang in shame in the eyes of the world polity. "

There are allegations that the government destroyed evidence and shielded the guilty. Asian Age, an Indian daily newspaper, ran a front page story calling the government actions "the mother of all cover-ups."[22][23]

From 31 October 1984 to 10 November 1984, human rights groups People's Union for Democratic Rights and People's Union for Civil Liberties conducted an inquiry into the riots by interviewing victims of the riots, police officers, neighbors of the victims, army personnel and political leaders. In their joint report, entitled Who Are The Guilty?, they concluded:

The attacks on members of the Sikh Community in Delhi and its suburbs during the period, far from being a spontaneous expression of "madness" and of popular "grief and anger" at Mrs. Gandhi's assassination as made out to be by the authorities, were the outcome of a well organised plan marked by acts of both deliberate commissions and omissions by important politicians of the Congress (I) at the top and by authorities in the administration.[5]

Eyewitness accounts obtained by Time magazine state the Delhi Police looked on as "rioters murdered and raped, having gotten access to voter records that allowed them to mark Sikh homes with large Xs, and large mobs being bused in to large Sikh settlements".[24] Time reported the riots only led to minor arrests and that no major politician or police officer had been convicted and quotes Ensaaf, a human rights organization, as saying the government worked to destroy evidence of involvement by refusing to record First Information Reports.[24]

A Human Rights Watch report published in 1991 on violence between Sikh separatists and the Government of India traces part of the problem back to the government response to the violence:

Despite numerous credible eye-witness accounts that identified many of those involved in the violence, including police and politicians, in the months following the killings, the government sought no prosecutions or indictments of any persons, including officials, accused in any case of murder, rape or arson.[25]

There are allegations that the violence was led and often perpetrated by Indian National Congress activists and sympathizers during the riots. The government, then led by the Congress, was widely criticized for doing very little at the time, possibly acting as a conspirator. Conspiracy theorists argue that voting lists were used to identify Sikh families.[6]

Photo of victims in train station after the 1984 anti sikh riots

On 31 July 1985, Harjinder Singh Jinda, Sukhdev Singh Sukha and Ranjit Singh Gill of Khalistan Commando Force assassinated Lalit Maken (Member - Parliament of India and a leader of Congress (I)) to take revenge of 1984 Anti Sikh Riots. In a 31-page booklet titled Who Are The Guilty, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) listed 227 people who led the mobs, Lalit Maken's name was third on the list.[26]

Harjinder Singh Jinda and Sukhdev Singh Sukha also assassinated Congress (I) leader Arjan Dass because of his involvement in 1984 Anti-Sikh riots. Arjan Dass's name appeared in various affidavits submitted by Sikh victims to the Nanavati Commission which was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India.[27]

[edit] Investigations

Numerous commissions have been set up to investigate the riots. The most recent commission on the riots, headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, submitted its 185-page report to the Home Minister, Shivraj Patil on 9 February 2005 and the report was tabled in Parliament on 8 August 2005.

Ten commissions and committees have so far inquired into the riots. The commissions below are listed in the order they were formed. Many of the primary accused were acquitted or never charge-sheeted.

[edit] Marwah Commission

A mob looks on as a Sikh business burns

This commission was appointed in November 1984. Ved Marwah, Additional Commissioner of Police, was assigned the job of enquiring into the role of the police during the carnage of November 1984. Many of the accused officers of Delhi Police went to Delhi High Court. As Ved Marwah completed his inquiry towards the middle of 1985, he was abruptly directed by the Home Ministry not to proceed further.[28] Complete records of the Marwah Commission were taken over by the government and were later transferred to the Misra Commission. However, the most important part of the record, namely the handwritten notes of Mr Marwah, which contained important information, were not transferred to the Misra Commission.

[edit] Misra Commission

Misra commission was appointed in May 1985. Justice Rangnath Misra, was a sitting judge of the Supreme Court of India. Justice Misra submitted his report in August 1986 and the report was made public six months thereafter in February 1987. In his report, Justice Misra stated that it was not part of his terms of reference to identify any person and recommended the formation of three committees.

The commission and its report was criticized by People's Union for Civil Liberties and Human Rights Watch as biased. A Human Rights Watch report recording the Misra Commission noted:

It recommended no criminal prosecution of any individual, and it cleared all high-level officials of directing the riots. In its findings, the commission did acknowledge that many of the victims testifying before it had received threats from local police. While the commission noted that there had been "widespread lapses" on the part of the police, it concluded that "the allegations before the commission about the conduct of the police are more of indifference and negligence during the riots than of any wrongful overt act."[25]

People's Union for Civil Liberties criticized the Misra commission for keeping information on the accused secret while revealing the names and addresses of victims of violence.[29]

[edit] Kapur Mittal Committee

Kapur Mittal Committee was appointed in February 1987 on the recommendation of the Misra Commission to inquire into the role of the police, which the Marwah Commission had almost completed in 1985 itself, when the government asked that committee to wind up and not proceed further.

After almost two years, this committee was appointed for the same purpose. This committee consisted of Justice Dalip Kapur and Mrs Kusum Mittal, retired Secretary of Uttar Pradesh. It submitted its report in 1990. Seventy-two police officers were identified for their connivance or gross negligence. The committee recommended forthwith dismissal of 30 police officers out of 72. However, till date, not a single police officer has been awarded any kind of punishment.

[edit] Jain Banerjee Committee

This committee was recommended by the Misra Commission for recommending registration of cases. It consisted of Justice M.L. Jain, former Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr A.K. Banerjee, retired Inspector General of Police.

The Misra Commission held in its report that a large number of cases had not been registered and wherever the victims named political leaders or police officers, cases were not registered against them. This committee recommended registration of cases against Mr Sajjan Kumar in August 1987, but no case was registered.

In November 1987 many press reports appeared for not registering cases in spite of the recommendation of the committee. In December 1987, one of the co-accused along with Sajjan Kumar, namely Mr Brahmanand Gupta filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court and obtained a stay against this committee. The government did not oppose the stay. The Citizen's Justice Committee filed an application for vacating the stay. Ultimately, the writ petition was decided in August 1989 and the high court quashed the appointment of this committee. An appeal was filed by the Citizens Justice Committee in the Supreme Court of India.

[edit] Potti Rosha Committee

Potti Rosha Committee was appointed in March 1990, by the V.P. Singh government, as a successor to the Jain Banerjee Committee. In August 1990, Potti-Rosha issued recommendations for filing cases based on affidavits victims of the violence had submitted. There was one against Sajjan Kumar. A CBI team went to Kumar's home to file the charges. His supporters locked them up and threatened them harm if they persisted in their designs on their leader. As a result of this intimidation, when Potti-Rosha's term expired in September 1990, Potti and Rosha decided to disband their inquiry.

[edit] Jain Aggarwal Committee

The committee was appointed in December 1990 as a successor to the Potti Rosha Committee. It consisted of Justice J.D. Jain, retired Judge of the Delhi High Court and Mr D.K. Aggarwal, retired DGP of Uttar Pradesh. This committee recommended registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar, Dharamdas Shastri and Jagdish Tytler.

The Committee also suggested setting up of two - three Special Investigating Teams in the Delhi Police under a Deputy Commissioner of Police and the overall supervision by the Additional Commissioner of Police, In-charge - CID and also to review the work-load of the three Special Courts set up to deal with October - November 1984 riots cases exclusively so that these cases could be taken up on day-to-day basis.

The question of appointment of Special Prosecutors to deal with October - November 1984 riots cases exclusively was also discussed. This committee was wound up in August 1993. However, the cases recommended by this committee were not even registered by the police.

[edit] Ahuja Committee

Ahuja Committee was the third committee recommended by the Misra Commission to ascertain the total number of killings in Delhi. This committee submitted its report in August 1987 and gave a figure of 2,733 as the number of Sikhs killed in Delhi alone.

[edit] Dhillon Committee

The Dhillon Committee, headed by Mr Gurdial Singh Dhillon was appointed in 1985 to recommend measures for the rehabilitation of the victims. This committee submitted its report by the end of 1985. One of its major recommendations was that the business establishments, which had insurance cover, but whose insurance claims were not settled by insurance companies on the technical ground that riot was not covered under insurance, should be paid compensation under the directions of the government. This committee recommended that since all insurance companies were nationalised, they be directed to pay the claims. However, the government did not accept this recommendation and as a result insurance claims were rejected by all insurance companies throughout the country.

[edit] Narula Committee

Narula Committee was appointed in December 1993 by the Madan Lal Khurana government in Delhi. One of the recommendations of the Narula Committee was to convince the Central Government to grant sanction in this matter.

Mr. Khurana took up the matter with the Central Government and in the middle of 1994, the Central Government decided that the matter did not fall within its purview and sent the case to the Lt. Governor of Delhi. It took two years for the Narasimha Rao Government to decide that it did not fall within Centre's purview.

Narasimha Rao Government further delayed the case. This committee submitted its report in January 1994 and recommended the registration of cases against H.K.L. Bhagat, Sajjan Kumar and Jagdish Tytler. Ultimately, despite the delay by the Central government, the CBI was able to file the charge sheet in December 1994.

[edit] The Nanavati Commission

The Nanavati Commission was established in 2000 after some dissatisfaction was expressed with previous reports.[30] The Nanavati Commission was appointed by a unanimous resolution passed in the Rajya Sabha. This commission was headed by Justice G.T. Nanavati, retired Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The commission submitted its report in February 2004. The commission reported that recorded accounts from victims and witnesses to the riots "indicate that local Congress leaders and workers had either incited or helped the mobs in attacking the Sikhs".[30] Its report also found evidence against Jagdish Tytler "to the effect that very probably he had a hand in organising attacks on Sikhs".[30] It also recommended that Sajjan Kumar's involvement in the rioting required a closer look. The commission's report also cleared Rajiv Gandhi and other high ranking Congress (I) party members of any involvement in organising riots against Sikhs. It did find, however, that the Delhi Police "remained passive and did not provide protection to the people" throughout the rioting.[30]

[edit] Jagdish Tytler

India's Central Bureau of Investigation closed all cases against Jagdish Tytler in November 2007 for his alleged criminal conspiracy to engineer riots against Sikhs in the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination on 31 October 1984. CBI submitted a report to the Delhi court which stated that no evidence or witness was found to corroborate the allegations against Tytler of leading murderous mobs during 1984 Re-probe Tytler's role: Court.[31] It was also alleged in the court that then member of Indian Parliament Jagdish Tytler was complaining to his supporters about relatively "small" number of Sikhs killed in his parliamentary constituency Delhi Sadar, which in his opinion had undermined his position in the ruling Indian National Congress party of India.[32]

However in December 2007, a certain witness, Jasbir Singh, who is living in California, appeared on several private television news channels in India, and stated he was never contacted by Central Bureau of Investigation. India's main opposition party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) demanded an explanation from the minister in-charge of CBI in Indian Parliament. However, Minister of State for Personnel Suresh Pachouri, who is in-charge of department of CBI, and was present in the parliament session refused to make a statement.[33]

On 18 December 2007, Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate of Delhi court, Sanjeev Jain, who had earlier dismissed the case after CBI submitted a misleading report in his court, ordered India's Central Bureau of Investigation to reopen cases relating to 1984 anti-Sikh riots against Jagdish Tytler.[34]

In December 2008, a two member CBI team was sent to New York to record the statements of two eyewitnesses, Jasbir Singh and Surinder Singh. The two witnesses have stated that they saw Jagdish Tytler lead a mob during the riots, but did not want to come to India as they feared for their security.[35] They also blamed the CBI for not conducting a fair trial and accused it of protecting Tytler.

However, in March 2009, CBI gave a clean chit to Tytler, amidst protests from Sikhs and the opposition parties.[36]

On 7 April 2009, a Sikh reporter with Dainik Jagran, Jarnail Singh hurled his shoe at home minister P Chidambaram in protest against the clean chit given to Tytler and Sajjan Kumar. He was however let off as the home minister did not want the police to pursue the case, in lieu of the upcoming Lok Sabha (General) Elections.[37]

On 9 April 2009 over 500 protesters from various Sikh organisations from all over the country gathered outside the court which was scheduled to hear CBI's plea of closing the case against Congress leader Jagdish Tytler in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots case. Later in the day, Tytler announced his decision to pull out of the Lok Sabha elections, saying he does not want to cause embarrassment to his party. This sensitive issue has once again poked its face and congress does not want this to become a anti-congress tide. This has forced the congress party to cut the Tytler and Sajjan Kumar Lok Sabha tickets.[38]

[edit] Impact and legacy

The attack on the Sikh community in India is remembered annually in the UK with a remembrance march through London bringing together thousands of Sikhs from all over the UK. The Sikh Pogroms are cited as a reason to support creation of a Sikh homeland in India, often called Khalistan.[39][40][citation needed]

Many ordinary Indians of different religious dispositions made significant efforts to hide and help Sikh families during the rioting.[41]

Recently on 15 July 2010 the Sikh high clergy (Jathedar) declared the events following the death of Indira Gandhi to be a Sikh "Genocide" replacing the widely used term "Anti-Sikh riots" used by the Indian government, media and other writers.[42] The decision came soon after a similar motion was raised in the Canadian Parliament by a Sikh MP.

[edit] Artistic depictions of 1984 anti-Sikh riots

The Delhi riots have been the core subject of several films and novels.

  • 2005 English film Amu, by Shonali Bose and starring Konkona Sen Sharma and Brinda Karat, is based on Shonali Bose's own novel of the same name. The film portrays story of a girl, orphaned during the riots, reconciling with her adoption years later. The film which won the National Film Award for Best Feature Film in English was censored in India and was released on DVD without the cuts.
  • 2004 Hindi film Kaya Taran (Chrysalis), directed by Shashi Kumar and starring Seema Biswas, is based on the Malayalam short story "When Big Tree Falls" by N.S. Madhavan. The film revolves around a Sikh woman and her young son who have taken shelter in a nunnery in Meerut during the 1984 Anti-Sikh riots.
  • 2003 Bollywood film Hawayein, directed by Ammtoje Mann, is based on the aftermath of Indira Gandhi's assassination, the nationwide 1984 Anti-Sikh riots and the subsequent victimization of the people in Punjab (India) in the years that followed.
  • Khushwant Singh's novel "Tragedy of Punjab: Operation Bluestar & After" focuses on the events surrounding the pogrom.

[edit] See also

[edit] Notes

  1. ^ On November 2, Moti Singh witnessed two policemen, one an SHO and another a constable, both of whom who had attended Sajjan Kumar's meeting the previous day, shoot and kill Roshan Singh (his son) and kill his grandchildren when they ran to help their father.[14]

[edit] References

  1. ^ a b State pogroms glossed over. The Times of India. 31 December 2005.
  2. ^ a b "Anti-Sikh riots a pogrom: Khushwant". Rediff.com. http://www.rediff.com/news/2001/may/09sikh.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  3. ^ a b c d Bedi, Rahul (1 November 2009). "Indira Gandhi's death remembered". BBC. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8306420.stm. Retrieved 2009-11-02. "The 25th anniversary of Indira Gandhi's assassination revives stark memories of some 3,000 Sikhs killed brutally in the orderly pogrom that followed her killing" 
  4. ^ Nugus, Phillip (Spring 2007). "The Assassinations of Indira & Rajiv Gandhi". BBC Active. http://www.bbcactive.com/BroadCastLearning/asp/catalogue/productdetail.asp?productcode=22026. Retrieved 23 July 2010. 
  5. ^ a b Mukhoty, Gobinda; Kothari, Rajni (1984), Who are the Guilty ?, People's Union for Civil Liberties, http://www.sacw.net/aii/WhoaretheGuilty.html 
  6. ^ a b Swadesh Bahadur Singh (editor of the Sher-i-Panjâb weekly): "Cabinet berth for a Sikh", Indian Express, 31 May 1996.
  7. ^ Watch/Asia, Human Rights; (U.S.), Physicians for Human Rights (1994-05). Dead silence: the legacy of human rights abuses in Punjab. Human Rights Watch. p. 10. ISBN 9781564321305. http://books.google.com/books?id=Dx7b8w6snbsC&pg=PA13. Retrieved 29 July 2010. 
  8. ^ "1984 riots were 'Sikh genocide': Akal Takht - Hindustan Times". Hindustan Times. July 14, 2010. http://www.hindustantimes.com/1984-riots-were-Sikh-genocide-Akal-Takht/Article1-572372.aspx. Retrieved 17 July 2010. 
  9. ^ Grewal, Jyoti. Betrayed by the State: The Anti-Sikh Pogrom of 1984. Penguin Books. ISBN 978-0143063032. 
  10. ^ McLeod, W. H. Historical Dictionary of Sikhism. 2005, page xiv
  11. ^ Yoo, David. New Spiritual Homes: Religion and Asian Americans. 1999, page 129
  12. ^ a b c d e Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf. p. 27. ISBN 0-9787073-0-3. http://ensaaf-org.jklaw.net/publications/reports/20years/20years-2nd.pdf. 
  13. ^ Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf. pp. 27–28. ISBN 0-9787073-0-3. http://ensaaf-org.jklaw.net/publications/reports/20years/20years-2nd.pdf. 
  14. ^ a b c d e Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf. p. 28. ISBN 0-9787073-0-3. http://ensaaf-org.jklaw.net/publications/reports/20years/20years-2nd.pdf. 
  15. ^ a b c d e f g Kaur, Jaskaran; Crossette, Barbara (2006). Twenty years of impunity: the November 1984 pogroms of Sikhs in India (2nd ed.). Portland, OR: Ensaaf. p. 29. ISBN 0-9787073-0-3. http://ensaaf-org.jklaw.net/publications/reports/20years/20years-2nd.pdf. 
  16. ^ "Misra Commission Affidavit of Aseem Shrivastava". New Delhi. http://www.carnage84.com/affidavits/mishra/promi/Aseem%20Shrivastava.htm. Retrieved 3 August 2010. 
  17. ^ a b Fera, Ivan (December 23, 1985). "The Enemy Within". The Illustrated weekly of India (The Illustrated weekly of India). 
  18. ^ a b Rao, Amiya; Ghose, Aurobindo; Pancholi, N. D.; Citizens for Democracy (India)., Citizens for Democracy (India) (1985). "3". Truth about Delhi violence: report to the nation. Citizens for Democracy. http://books.google.com/books?id=EBctAAAAIAAJ. Retrieved 4 August 2010. 
  19. ^ "Indian prime minister shot dead". BBC News. 1984-10-31. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/october/31/newsid_2464000/2464423.stm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  20. ^ "Assassination and revenge". BBC News. 1984-10-31. http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/witness/october/31/newsid_3961000/3961851.stm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  21. ^ 1984 riots: three held guilty of rioting. Indian Express. 23 August 2009.
  22. ^ Mustafa, Seema (2005-08-09). "1984 Sikhs Massacres: Mother of All Cover-ups". Front page story (The Asian Age): p. 1. 
  23. ^ Agal, Renu (2005-08-11). "Justice delayed, justice denied". BBC News. 
  24. ^ a b Mridu Khullar (October 28, 2009). "India's 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: Waiting for Justice". TIME. http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1931635-2,00.html. 
  25. ^ a b Patricia Gossman (1991), Punjab in Crisis, Human Rights Watch, http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/INDIA918.PDF 
  26. ^ "A life sentence". Hinduonnet.com. http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/fline/fl2007/stories/20030411002004500.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  27. ^ [1][dead link]
  28. ^ "Police didn't help victims". Tribuneindia.com. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071103/delhi.htm#1. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  29. ^ Justice Denied, People's Union for Civil Liberties and People's Union for Democratic Right, 1987 
  30. ^ a b c d "Leaders 'incited' anti-Sikh riots". BBC Online (BBC News). 8 August 2005. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4130962.stm. Retrieved 20 June 2010. 
  31. ^ "Fresh probe into India politician". BBC News. 2007-12-18. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7149322.stm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  32. ^ "The Tribune, Chandigarh, India - Main News". Tribuneindia.com. http://www.tribuneindia.com/2007/20071219/main1.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  33. ^ "BJP to govt: Clear stand on anti-Sikh riots' witness". Timesofindia.indiatimes.com. 2007-11-30. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2585268.cms. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  34. ^ "1984 riots: CBI to re-investigate Tytler's role". Timesofindia.indiatimes.com. 2007-12-18. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/1984_riots_CBI_to_re-investigate_Tytlers_role/articleshow/2630736.cms. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  35. ^ "Anti Sikh riots witness to give statement to CBI in US". Ibnlive.in.com. http://ibnlive.in.com/news/anti-sikh-riots-witness-to-give-statement-to-cbi-in-us/81216-3.html. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  36. ^ "CBI gives Tytler clean chit in 1984 riots case". Indianexpress.com. 2009-04-03. http://www.indianexpress.com/news/cbi-gives-tytler-clean-chit-in-1984-riots-case/442552/. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  37. ^ faces shoe missile from scribe[dead link]
  38. ^ Smriti Singh (2009-04-09). "Sikhs protest outside court hearing Tytler case". The Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Sikhs-protest-outside-court-hearing-Tytler-case/articleshow/4379032.cms. Retrieved 2009-09-23. 
  39. ^ Nanavati (2010-06-01). "Nanavati Report". Nanavati commission. http://www.carnage84.com/homepage/nancom.htm. Retrieved 2010-06-01. 
  40. ^ BSSF (2010-06-01). "Remembrance March in London". British Sikh Student Federation. http://britishsikhstudentfederation.com/index/?attachment_id=1317. Retrieved 2010-06-01. 
  41. ^ K. Singh: "Congress (I) is the Most Communal Party", Publik Asia, 16 November 1989.
  42. ^ Rana, Yudhvir (16 July 2010). "Sikh clergy: 1984 riots 'genocide'". The Times Of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Sikh-clergy-1984-riots-genocide/articleshow/6174537.cms. 

[edit] Further reading

[edit] External links

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Condemn 2nd firing for Asbestos company in Muzzafarpur

Write to Bihar CM: Support people's struggle to save farmlands

The National Alliance of People's Movements is horrified to learn that the Muzzafarpur district administration in Bihar has once again opened fire and lathi-charged the farmers and villagers of Chainpur-Vishnupur in the Marvan block for protesting against the perilous Bal Mukund Asbestos Company. Reportedly, at least a dozen people, many of them women and student-activists have suffered severe lathi-charge, pellet and even bullet injuries in yesterday's incident. We have been informed that the situation in the villages is quite tense and there is in fact a severe paucity of land doctors, even to provide medical assistance to the injured woman. A report from the field is underneath

Thousands of people have been facing repression of both the State and the Company over the past few months since the Asbestos Plant is being pushed in the region at a severe cost to the environment, health and agriculture of the farm-based communities and local population. It is notable that the Company has already finished 60% work against the consent and interests of the local people and the environment.

NAPM strongly feels that such non-participatory and forcible manner of pushing these harmful plants, by violating people's basic legal and human rights and without due regard to the necessary environmental safeguards measures and processes is dangerous, undemocratic must not be permitted.  NAPM expresses full solidarity with the people's peaceful resistance and assets that due processes, procedures and the rule of law must be scrupulously followed and implemented in the case of every single project and the local people must have an informed participation and decisive say in all cases

Do write immediate, strong letters to the District Collector of Muzzafarpur, Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister District

1.    Demand a public apology from the Bihar Government for the serious of repressive incidents against the farmers, women, students and activists and assurance that no such incident would taken place in the future.

2.    Immediately provide full medical services and compensation to all the injured persons.

3.    Immediately stop all the work for the asbestos company and completely ban the production of carcinogenic white asbestos.

4.    Initiate a dialogue with the local people, the Khet Bachao-Jeevika Bachao Andolan and activists before taking any step forward.

In Solidarity,

Medha Patkar                       Anand Mazgaonkar             Madhuresh              Shrikanth                 

Ph: 09423965153 / 0179148973 / 09818905316

Mr. Anand Kishoe
District Magistrate (Collector),
Muzzafarpur
M: 9431608737
Ph: 0621-2212101
0621-2212105, 0621-2217285
E-mail:bihmuz@hub2.nic.in  
Mr. Nitish Kumar
Chief Minister, Bihar
Ph and Fax:
0612- 2222079
0612- 2223393
0612- 2217741
E-mail: cmbihar-bih@nic.in ,
cms-secy-bih@nic.in
Mr. Sushil Kumar Modi
Deputy Chief Minister,
Bihar
Ph: 0612-2227894 (O),         0612-2674629 (R)
E-Mail:dycmbihar@yahoo.com





चैनपुर (मरवन)में  एसबेस्टस फैक्ट्री के विरुद्ध   धरने पर जारी बहशियाना लाठी चार्ज ,अश्रु गैस ,फायरिंग में दर्जन से ज्यादा घायल
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मुजफ्फरपुर के मरवन ब्लोक के चैनपुर में बेमियादी धरने के तेरहवें दिन पुलिस ने शांतिपूर्ण धरना दे रहे किसान नौजवानों पर १२.४० में बेवजह लाठी चलाई ,जिससे खेत बचाओ ,जीवन बचाओ के बैनर तले धरने पर समर्थन में आये डी .एस .ओ के छात्र  नेता आशुतोष सहित कई   महिलाओं और छात्रों को गंभीर चोट आई .महिलाओं पर डंडे चलाते हुए पुरुष सिपहिओं को शर्म नहीं आई . आशुतोष को पुलिस ने इसलिए टार्गेट किया कि वे बालमुकुन्द कंम्पनी के विरुद्ध भाषण दे रहे थे .आशुतोष के साथ आधे दर्जन छात्रो और कई किसानो को पुलिस ने बेरहमी से पीटा.
आशुतोष क़ी सूचना  तिरहुत के पुलिश महानिरिछ्क श्री गुप्तेश्वर पाण्डे को दी गयी .श्री पाण्डे ने तत्काल मुजफ्फरपुर के  एस .एस .पी को घटना स्थल पर जाने का निर्देश दिया . ज्ञात हो कि ९ जनवरी को पटना से एसबेस्टस विरोधी नागरिक मंच के प्रतिनिधिओं के मरवन पहुँचने से पहले ही पुलिस ने लाठी चलाई थी .तब पुलिस इंस्पेक्टर और दरोगा ने नागरिक मंच के प्रतिनिधिओं से कबूल किया था कि पुलिस ने लाठी चलाई है .तब भी २ महिला को गंभीर चोट लगी थी .
आज शांतिपूर्ण धरने पर लाठीचार्ज में महिलाओं को आहत होने कि खबर से इलाके के गाँवो से स्त्रिया -बच्चे ,युवा लाठी -डंडे लेकर घटना स्थल कि तरफ दौरने लगे . गुस्साई भीड़  जिसके आगे सैकड़ो महिलाऐं थी ,पुरुष पुलिश बल ने महिलाओं को खदेड़ना ,लाठी चलाना जारी रखा . .पुलिस भीड़ को खदेड़ -खदेड़ कर पिटती रही और पास के गाँवो से हुजूम अन्दोलान्करियो  के समर्थन में उमड़ता रहा .पुलिस ने शाम के ४ बजे भीड़ को नियंत्रित करने के लिए पहले आंसू गैस के कई गोले दागे फिर दर्जनों राउंड गोली भी चलाई .रजो देवी ,शिला देवी ,मनोज को गोली लगी है .कुल घायलों कि गिनती २० से ज्यादा है .आधे दर्जन घायल सादर अस्पताल ,मुजफ्फरपुर में भर्ती करे गए हें .कई घायल गिरफ्तारी के भय से छुपकर इलाज  करा रहे हें . एस्बेस्टस विरोधी नागरिक मंच इस फायरिंग और लाठीचार्ज कि निंदा करता है और तत्काल फैक्ट्री का निर्माण कार्य रोकते हुए दोषी  पुलिस अधिकारिओं  के विरुद्ध करवाई की मांग करता है.
प्रो ईश्वरी  प्रशाद    डॉ सत्यजित   अख्तर हुसैन   नंदकिशोर सिंह   पुष्पराज   अशोक प्रियदर्शी  

[Attachment(s) from DR AWATAR SINGH SEKHON included below]SIKHS AND THE REPUBLIC DAY (26th January, 1950) OF THE "INCORPORATION OF BRAHMINS-HINDUS" alias the alleged Indian democracy: In Dr Sekhon's Views

Dr Awatar Singh Sekhon (Machaki)*

On this fateful


day 26th January 1950, the Sikh representatives of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB (under the occupation of the 'Brahmins-Hindus' alleged Incorporation since 15th August, 1947)' "rejected" the Indian Constitution 1950, in the Incorporation's parliament alias Lok Sabha,. In fact, it has been 'rejected' twice more by the Sikhs before it was adopted in the parliament to govern the 'Incorporation'. The Sikhs' representatives, giving a crystal clear message to Lok Sabha/parliament, outrightly 'rejected' the Constitution, because it did not meet their aspirations and the Sikh Code of Conduct. Consequently, the Sikh representatives walked out in protest from Lok Sabha. It was the Sikhs' message to the 'Brahmins-Hindus' Incorporation that the "Constitution has nothing to do with the Sikhs; rather it is like committing suicide for the Sikhs if it were accepted". None of the Sikhs electorate had signed/endorsed/accepted the Indian Constitution 1950 since it was accepted by the parliament against the wishes of the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB'. This was the 'third' time when the Sikhs' elected representatives 'rejected' the Constitution, in its draft and final forms, in the parliament (i. e., 1948, 26th November, 1949 and 1950). The Sikh representatives who rejected the Constitution were Sardar Hukam Singh and Sardar Bhupinder Singh Maan, both members of the parliament. Subsequently, Sirdar Kapur Singh, ICS, MP, MLA, and the National Professor of Sikhism not only "rejected" it on the fourth time, but told to the Brahmin-Hindu members that 'it is not worth the paper written on it'. He did it on behalf of the Sikhs of their Holy and Historical Homeland, PUNJAB, now the "Landless Sikh Nation" since 15th August, 1947. This was the day when the 'Brahmins-Hindus' Incorporation 'robbed' the Sikhs of PUNJAB, the Sikh Nation, Sikh Raj, of monarch Ranjit Singh, 1799 to 14th March, 1849. The Sikh Raj, PUNJAB, of Monarch Ranjit Singh was the "First Sovereign and Secular" nation of South Asia; whereas, the 'Brahmins-Hindus' had been 'subservient' to the Afghans, Mughals, Sikhs, British, Portuguese, etc., for more than 3,500 years and until the morning hours of August 15, 1947, until the British Empire's agent granted political power to the class of 'subservient' on a platter. Right after receiving the political power, the Incorporation 'robbed' the 'Sikh Nation, Punjab, made it colony of the Incorporation. With this the Brahmins-Hindus Incorporation started following 'colonialism' right since 15th August 1947. That is, the Landless Sikh Nation now became a colony of the Brahmins-Hindus' Incorporation.  It should be noted that the Sikh Nation, PUNJAB, as 'annexed' by the British Empire since 29th March, 1849, remained 'annexed' until the early hours of 15th August, 1947, i. e., until the political power was handed over to the 'unelected' leaders of the Incorporation. After receiving political reign from the British India's agent, it became merely a 'requirement' to 'rob' the Sikh Nation, Punjab, as a colony of the Incorporation.

Right after the 'robbery' of the Sikh Nation, PUNJAB (under the occupation of the 'Incorporation') and making the Sikhs a 'Landless Sikh Nation', the Incorporation's hierarchy consisting of JL Nehru-CL Trivedi-VB Patel, the trio, the prime minister, governor of Punjab and Home Minister of the Incorporation, respectively, issued a secret circular to the District Commissioners of Punjab, ordering them the "Sikhs are a lawless people, they are dangerous to the law-abiding Hindus [including the Brahmins] and they must be dealt with firmly." This was the second back-stabbing of the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation', PUNJAB, the Sikh Raj, which has been continuing its "Struggle To Regain Their Sovereignty, Independence and Political power, by peaceful means, from the British Empire, since 14th March, 1849." This was the day when the Sikh Raj/Nation's forces surrendered to the British Empire and 'Not' to any 'Brahmins or Hindus'. The struggle of the Sikhs for their Sikh Nation, Punjab, by the Sikhs has been continuing peacefully, without any interruption, since 14th March 1849. The Sikhs' struggle is a pain in the neck of the 'Incorporation'.

Since the 'robbery by the Incorporation' of the Sikh Nation and declaring the Sikhs a 'lawless people' on 10th October, 1947, the Incorporation failed to fulfill its promises made to the Sikhs in the pre-15th August, 1947 era (see Sekhon AS 2009 in 25 Years After 1984 Assault on Darbar Sahib Laying the Foundation of Khalistan (ed) Dr A S Sekhon ISBN0-9548929-4-1; a publication of London Institute of South Asia <www.lisauk.com>. Rather, when seeing that their 'robbery' of the 'Landless Sikh Nation' did not serve their expected results: (i) making them 'Hindus' (neither a religion nor a culture, according to the Hindu, Sikh and Sir VT Rajshekar) in accordance with the Article 25 of the Indian Constitution 1950's that was 'rejected' by the Sikhs, (ii) killings of Sikhs in the Narela Conference of Akalis, for example, youngman Kaka Inderjit Singh of 9-year-old (Dilgeer HS and Sekhon AS 1992 ISBN 0-96954-0-5; Sekhon, AS Dilgeer HS 2006 in A WHITE PAPER ON KHALISTAN (A TRUE STORY) THE SIKH NATION , Third Edition, ISBN 0-9695964-8-0; a publication of The Sikh Educational Trust), and (iii) betrayal of the Sikh Nation by a Brahmin, Master Tara Singh, converted to the 'House of Guru Baba Nanak Sahib' (Ram Singh 2009 Betrayal of Sikh Nation by Master Tara Singh ISBN 978-0-9811360-6-6), etc. The Incorporation, according to the author (Dr Sekhon) found it difficult to ignore the just and rightful demands of the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh nation', as promised by the Brahmins-Hindus of the British India empire. Accordingly, the plans were hatched to (i) exterminate the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, Punjab', by the Incorporation headed by JL Nehru, the architect of the anti-Sikh policies of Incorporation alias the 'Brahmins-Hindus' alleged Indian democracy, (ii) reduce the Sikhs in the Incorporation's armed forces from 36% to less than 1.9%, (iii) hatching a plan to get rid of the senior Sikh generals of armed forces by the hook or by the crook. The helicopter crash near Kud in the Internationally Disputed Areas of Jammu and Kashmir, which took the lives of brave Lt. Gen like Bikram Singh, Daulat Singh, Pinto and others in November '64 are a prime example (Sekhon AS 2010 The Sikhs: Sovereignty To Slavery ISBN 0-978-9811360-8-0, (iv) Incorporation's pogroms of early 1970s, especially the 'massacre of Sikhs in 1978 in Amritsar, (v) fake encounter killings of the Sikhs, the Sikh youth in particular (with the notion that Sikhs are criminals and 'No Hindu-Brahmin can be criminal' in PUNJAB', to cite the least (see Dilgeer HS and Sekhon AS 1992 ISBN 0-9695964-0-5). It must be noted that in the late 1970s, two Brahmins or Pandey brothers carried out successfully the first air piracy of South Asia of an Indian Airlines plane to secure the release of their beloved Congress leader, Indira Gandhi, from imprisonment under the Bhartiya Janta Party's administration. Later, these criminals (Pandey brothers) were made the law-makers (MLA) of the U P Legislative assembly at the recommendation of their leader, Indira Gandhi (Who says the crime does not pay in the Incorporation?). To suppress and exterminate Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB', Indira Gandhi intensified her plans against the Sikhs, deliberate disruption of the 'law and order', and slandering of the Sikhs, from a 'lawless community' and to call them 'miscreants, terrorists, uncooperative, anti-nationals, including the famous 'Destruction of Air India Flight 182' on 23rd June, 1985, off the western coast of Ireland (Sekhon AS 2010 Int J Sikh Affairs 20(2), 2-7 ISSN 1481-5435), are a few examples. To make the Sikhs 'terrorists', the Incorporation's armed, intelligence, foreign missions, including the Research and Analysis Wing under RN Kao, which had its office in India Gandhi's official residence in New Delhi, etc., were employed to wage an 'undeclared' war in the form of "Operation Bluestar" of June, 1984. This undeclared war took a toll of more than 260,000 innocent and unarmed Sikh toddlers, children, youth, male and female folks, and elderly folks between the period of 1st and 6th June 1984, along with a few 'saviours' of the Darbar Sahib Complex who faced a huge armed forces of the 'Incorporation'. For what? The 'undeclared war' was to get rid of the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB (under the Incorporation's occupation since 15th August, 1947) and to assimilate the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB, into the 'Incorporation', once and for all. It is noteworthy that the Sikhs have 'No Constitutional Rights in the Indian Constitution of 1950. The Constitution 'rejected' by the Sikhs' elected representatives in 1948, 26th November, 1949, 1950 and more recently on 6th September, 1965, is indicative of the 'Brahmins and their Hindu followers being the enemies of the Sikhs. The Sikhs did not accept Indira Gandhi's partition of the 'Landless Sikh Nation PUNJAB' into Punjab (attacked by the 'undeclared' war as described and made a 'CONCENTRATION CAMP' in the "Operation Bluestar era in June, 1984), Haryana and Himachal Pradesh as well as other Punjabi-speaking areas surrounding the 'Landless Sikh Nation', against the wishes of the 'Landless Sikh nation, PUNJAB' in 1966.

Additionally, the Incorporation took away the control of the Punjab's River Waters Reservoir, the Bakhra-Nangal Dam, gave Punjab's waters to the neighboring 'Hindu-Brahmin' states/provinces without any compensation to PUNJAB, the Punjab river waters' by-products (electricity and so on), etc. This has been the Incorporation's heavy handedness. In fact, the 'robbery' of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, Punjab, Khalistan, has been continuing till the day of this writing. The 'Landless Sikh Nation' has been denied any heavy industry, IT industry, schools are without teachers, making the Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB, a nation of 'illiterates'. These policies are pursued actively since the 'undeclared war' and making Punjab a 'CONCENTRATION CAMP' permanently, as described above. More than 70,000 agriculture-dependent families were forced to commit suicide in 6-district of PUNJAB, and this process has been continuing in the Punjab and other non-Brahmin-Hindu states at the rate of 17,000 families per year.

Both the Incorporation and its blessed administration of Prakash (Hanera/Darkness) Sinh Badal, an agent of RAW, have been keeping over 10,000 Sikh youth (now young men and young ladies) in the Incorporation and Punjab's jails, since the 'undeclared' war of June, 1984, waged on the Sikh Nation, PUNJAB. It must be stated that Sardar Balwant Singh Rajoana, Professor Davinder Pal Singh Bhullar (both on the death row), Bhai Daljit Singh Bittu and associates are kept deliberately in the Incorporation's jails. The question arises when the Sikhs of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB, have no Constitutional Rights and the Sikhs have not accepted to-date the Incorporation's Constitution, the Indian Constitution 1950, then under what Constitutional law the Sikhs have been kept in jails and the Incorporation is out to give capital punishment to Sardar Balwant Singh Rajoana, Professor Bhullar and their fellow citizens of the 'Landless Sikh Nation'?

The Brahmins-Hindus' Incorporation has been holding the Sikhs' Holy and historic nation's apex institutions, the Darbar Sahib Complex, Sikhs' Supreme Seat of Polity, The Akal Takht Sahib, and Gurdwaras under its 'Tight Control'. What a democratic sham the Indian democracy is! Also, the ministers at the Darbar Sahib Complex are the 'cronies' of their master, Prakash (Hanera/Darkness) Sinh Badal and the Akali Dal-Badal Private Limited, Incorporation.

It must be noted by the citizens of the 'Landless Sikh Nation, Punjab, Khalistan' that the 'Brahmins-Hindus' are out to 'swallow' the Sikhs as described by the founder of Sikhism, Baba Guru Nanak Sahib, that: "Mathe Tikka Terrh Dhotti Kakhaii Hath Chhurri Jagat Kasai," which means that these barbarous and butchers of our peaceful world are out to destroy the Sikhs, Sikh religion (5th largest religion of our world), Sikh culture, Sikh Code of Conduct/Sikh Maryada; along with the non-Brahmins-Hindus nationalities.

The last and not the least question is the turbaned Brahmins-Hindus in 'The Sikh Identity'. The Sikhs have to realize that by participating in the Incorporation's so-called election process, under the Indian Constitution 1950, 'rejected' repeatedly by their elected representatives, what these turbaned Brahmins-Hindus are trying to prove? In author's view, they all have been 'back stabbing' Sardar Hukam Singh, Sardar Bhupinder Singh Maan, Sirdar Kapur Singh, ICS, MP, MLA and National Professor of Sikhism, and more than 3.4 million (34-lakh, Int J Sikh Affairs 20(2), 24, 2010 ISSN 1481-5435) Sikhs (martyrs) exterminated by the Incorporation since 15th August, 1947. Shame on you the power hungry turbaned 'Brahmins-Hindus' in 'The Sikh Identity'. Shame to the Brahmins-Hindus' Incorporation and its democracy alias demoncracy, the killers and organizers of the 'Sikh genocide, pogroms.

The day 26th January should be regarded as the 'Black day for the Landless Sikh Nation, PUNJAB, and other non-Brahmins-Hindus' minorities.

Further, Khalsaji, Gurbani (Sikh Guru Sahibaans teachings) says: "Man Maila Such Nirmala Kionkar Miliya Jaye, Prabh Mele Tan Mil Rahe Haume Shabad Jalaye." All these turbaned Hindus-Brahmins have been deceiving the 'Landless Sikh Nation', since 15th August, 1947.

May the Almighty bless you, the Guru Khalsa Panth alias the Landless Sikh Nation, along with the mankind.

* The author is the Editor in Chief, International Journal of Sikh Affairs ISSN 1481-5435.

*****

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Attachment(s) from DR AWATAR SINGH SEKHON
1 of 1 File(s)
Dr. Aulakh Speaks at International Sikh Conference

Raised Slogans of "Khalsitan Zindabad", Very Well Received

WASHINGTON, D.C., January 21, 2011 – Dr. Gurmit Singh Aulakh, President of the Council of Khalistan, spoke at the International Sikh Conference on January 8 at Royal Albert Hall in Edison, New Jersey.

The conference was organized by the American branch of the Shiromani Akali Dal (Amritsar). Over 750 people were in attendance. He raised slogans of "Khalistan Zindabad", which were very well received. The crowd was very enthusiastic. Dr. P.S. Ajrawat, who also spoke, also raised slogans of "Khalistan Zindabad." Speakers came from Canada, Britain, France, and India as well as the United States.

In adition to Dr. Aulakh and Dr. Ajrawat, other speakers included Sardar Aman Singh Mann, son of former Member of Parliament Simranjit Singh Mann, leader of the Akali Dal (Amritsar); Sardar Buta Singh Kharoudh, leader of the Akali Dal (Amritsar) in the United States; Sardar Ram Singh of the American Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee; Sardar Rajbhinder Singh Badesha; Sardar Sukhdev Singh Gill; Sardar Chain Singh from France, European represenaive of the Akali Dal (Amritsar);

Sardar Manohar Singh Bal from Canada; and others. Dr. Ajrawat presented a copy of his book Khalistani Meditation to Sardar Mann.The conference was very successful and the drive to free Khalistan has reached the grassroots level in Punjab. Sardar Simranjit Singh Mann recently announced that the Akali Dal (Amritsar) will contest the upcoming elections for the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC) in Punjab on a platform of independence for Khalistan. He recently held a rally in Jagraon, Punjab, which was attended by more than 100,000 people.

In India, the High Court of Punjab ruled many years ago in the cae of the late Colonel Partap Singh that it is legal under the Indian Constitution to seek independence for Khalistan. Nonetheless, Sardar Mann, leaders of Dal Khalsa, and others, were arrested a few years ago for holding a march, making pro-Khalistan speeches, and raising the Khalistani flag. India does not even abide by its own laws.

The Indian government has murdered over 250,000 Sikhs since 1984, more than 300,000 Christians since 1948 (plus many more throughout the country), over 100,000 Muslims in Kashmir since 1988 (as well as at least 2,000 to 5,000 in Gujarat), and tens of thousands of Tamils, Assamese, Manipuris, Dalits, Bodos, and others. Sardar Aman Singh Mann cited these figures in his presentation. These figures have been cited by this office, documented in the Congressional Record and published in the book The Politics of Genocide by Sardar Inderjit Singh Jaijee. The Indian Supreme Court called the Indian government's murders of Sikhs "worse than a genocide."

According to a report by the Movement Against State Repression (MASR), 52,268 Sikhs are being held as political prisoners in India without charge or trial. Some have been in illegal custody since 1984! Tens of thousands of other minorities are also being held as political prisoners, according to Amnesty International. We demand the immediate release of all these political prisoners. 300 million people in India – one quarter of the population – live in a subsistence existence on less than two dollars ($2) per day.

India is on the verge of disintegration. India is not a single nation, but many nations thrown together by the British colonialists for their administrative convenience. Such multinational states are doomed to disintegrate like Austria-Hungary, the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia have done. In 2009, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency predicted that India will not exist as we know it by 2015.

When India became independent, Sikhs were to receive their own state, but the Sikh leaders of the time were tricked into staying with India on the promise that they would have "the glow of freedom" and no law affecting the Sikhs would pass without their consent. Sikhs ruled an independent and sovereign Punjab from 1710 to 1716 and again from 1765 to 1849 and were recognized by most of the countries of the world at that time. No Sikh representative has ever signed the Indian constitution. Sikhism was not even recognized in the Indian cnstitution as a separate religion, while Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Jainism, etc. were recognized. Discrimination against the Sikh Nation took place in every sphere.

"I would like to thank the organizers of the International Sikh Conference for inviting me to speak," Dr. Aulakh said. "This event was a good step forward for the casue of freedom for Khalistan," he said. "Only a sovereign, independent Khalistan will end the repression and raise the standard of living in Punjab," he said.

"Khalistan is essential for the survival of the Sikh religion. "As Professor Darshan Singh, a former Jathedar of the Akal Takht, said, 'If a Sikh is not for Khalistan, he is not a Sikh'." He noted that other Akal Takht Jathedars, including Jatheedar Ranjit Singh and Jathedar Joginder Singh Vedanti, have also spoken out for Khalistan. "We must follow their lead and continue to work for our God-given birthright of freedom," Dr. Aulakh said.

Attachment(s) from khalistan@khalistan.com
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Press Release -- January 21 -- International Sikh Conference.rtf

James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India

and the attack on the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute

Background - Chronology - Reactions


    For more information, please also see in this issue of thecrQ:


- the Editors, the complete review





Introduction

      On 5 January 2004 a group calling itself the Sambhaji Brigade attacked the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) in Pune, in the state of Maharashtra, India. There was considerable damage done to the holdings of this significant cultural repository, including to irreplaceable and unique objects of historical and literary importance. While not on the same scale, it was a catastrophe comparable to the recent destruction and looting of libraries in Sarajevo and Iraq, or the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan, a devastating blow to contemporary civilization and to the preservation of what remains of previous ones.
      The attack was the preliminary culmination in a series of increasingly disturbing and destructive events that were triggered by the publication of James W. Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India (Oxford University Press, 2003). Laine's book sparked controversy in India, leading Oxford University Press India to withdraw it from the local market in November 2003. This did not sufficiently appease those upset by the book. American professor Laine had done some of the research for his book at BORI, and he thanked the institute and some scholars affiliated with it in his acknowledgements; the institute and its members were then targeted by those angered by the book. In December 2003 one of those thanked by Laine, historian Shrikant Bahulkar, was assaulted, his face blackened by Shiv Sena activists. Then, in January, came the attack on the institute itself.
      While the attack was widely condemned, and over 70 of the participants were arrested, Laine and his undertaking continue to be denounced.Shivaji has now been banned, and Laine has been charged by the authorities and appears to be subject to arrest if he returns to India. Laine and his book -- and BORI -- continue to be used in what appears to be an increasingly politicised debate.

      These events are particularly disturbing because, unlike most other recent incidents of large-scale cultural vandalism, they occurred in a country at peace, and in a democracy -- a system that depends on a tolerance for a plurality of opinions and on free expression to properly function. Also striking -- and worrisome -- is that the conflict has been framed as one centred around questions of historical (in)accuracy and and (ir)responsibile scholarship, but there has been little interest from many of those challenging Laine's book to debate these questions, as they have answered them with mob-rule and violence instead of counter-argument.
      There has been much discussion about these events in India, but, despite the supranational issues at stake, as well as the roles played by an American professor and the world's largest -- and one of the most respected -- university presses, international press coverage has been very limited. The conflict is a complex one, and it is both politically and religiously highly charged, centred around an historical figure -- Shivaji -- who is not well known outside India.
      In this introductory overview we try to present the necessary background information to allow some understanding of the events that have taken place. Other pieces in this edition of the complete review Quarterly devoted to the subject are Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe 's essay on James Laine's Controversial Book and our commentary, Attacking Myths and Institutions: James Laine's Shivaji and BORI

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A guide to what's at issue

      Shivaji
      Chhattrapati Shivaji Maharaj (also known simply as Shivaji or Sivaji) lived 1627/1630 to 1680. A Maratha leader, he was fiercely opposed to the Mughals that at that time controlled much of what is now India, and was instrumental in establishing Marathi independence. Crowned the first Maratha king in 1674, he is a founding-father figure who is still highly revered in India, especially in the state of Maharashtra (major cities: Mumbai (Bombay) and Pune); see, for example the official Maharashtra state site, where a page is devoted to Shivaji: the Maker of the Maratha Nation
      Shivaji is also perceived as a specifically Hindu hero, having established a Hindu empire in opposition to the Mughals (who were Muslim, and foreign). While widely revered in India, Hindu-nationalist groups have been particularly vociferous in allowing no criticism of the man, his accomplishments, and the legends around him.
      His name, of great symbolic value, is often invoked, especially in recent years as a Hindu-focussed nationalism (and political polarization) in India has been resurgent. So, for example, Mumbai (formerly Bombay) airport has apparently been re-named: Chhatrapati Shivaji International Airport.

      For additional information, see:



      James W. Laine
      James W. Laine is the Arnold H. Lowe Professor and Chair of Religious Studies at Macalester College; see his faculty page. He got his B.A. from Texas Tech, and his M.T.S. and Th.D. from Harvard.



      James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India
      James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India was published by Oxford University Press; see the complete review's review. It apparently appeared in the US and the UK in early 2003, and was then published in India in the summer of 2003.
      In describing the book Oxford University Press writes:
The legends of his life have become an epic story that everyone in western India knows, and an important part of the Hindu nationalists' ideology. To read Shivaji's legend today is to find expression of deeply held convictions about what Hinduism means and how it is opposed to Islam.
      They also suggest:
Different sub-groups, representing a range of religious persuasions, found it in their advantage to accentuate or diminish the importance of Hindu and Muslim identity and the ideologies that supported the construction of such identities. By studying the evolution of the Shivaji legend, Laine demonstrates, we can trace the development of such constructions in both pre-British and post-colonial periods.
      It appears that Laine's focus on a shifting legend -- rather a fixed-in-stone image of the man some groups insist upon -- and the notion that the legend has been adapted for other purposes is among the aspects of the book that has proved most controversial. (Ironically, reactions by some groups that tolerate only their current notion of the legend would appear to support at least Laine's underlying thesis.)

      The statement in the book that appears to have provoked the greatest outrage is the mention that it has been suggested that Shivaji's father was not Shahaji, Laine writing: "Maharashtrians tell jokes naughtily that Shivaji's biological father was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, 18 January). This statement -- indeed, even the mere suggestion -- is apparently considered an outrageous insult and defamation of Shivaji, Shahaji, and Shivaji's mother, Jijabai (all highly revered). The claim is also widely considered unfounded and gratuitous; apparently this particular 'naughty joke' is not familiar to most Maharashtrians (or at least none appear to have come forward acknowledging that they've heard this sort of banter).

      In his acknowledgements Laine thanked numerous people, writing also:
In India, my scholarly home has been the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune, and there I profited from the advice and assistance of the senior librarian, V. L. Manjul. I read texts and learned informally a great deal about Marathi literature and Maharashtrian culture from S. S. Bahulkar, Sucheta Paranjpe, Y. B. Damle, Rekha Damle, Bhaskar Chandavarkar, and Meena Chandavarkar. Thanks to the American Institute of Indian Studies and Madhav Bhandare, I was able to spend three productive periods of research in Pune.
      Laine's thanks were apparently interpreted as a declaration of scholarly complicity, and those named were among those targeted by the groups opposed to Laine's work -- despite the fact that several scholars attached to BORI distanced themselves from the book and were among those demanding that OUP India withdraw the book.

      Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India has not been widely reviewed (in part likely because it is a scholarly work of the sort generally mainly reviewed in academic journals, many of which take longer to review titles than the mass media does). Among the few reviews is V.N. Datta's inThe Sunday Tribune (7 December), An image that might be disturbing

      For additional information see:



      Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute
      The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute is located in Pune. It was founded in 1917 and is a leading repository of Indological manuscripts and a renowned centre for scholarship.
      For additional information see:



      Sambhaji Brigade
      A small, previously little known group affiliated with the Hindu-nationalist organisation, Maratha Seva Sangh

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Chronology

      (Based on Ketaki Ghoge's chronology in his article, Rape of culture leaves city in shock (Indian Express, 5 January), and other mentioned sources. See also Anupama Katakam's article, Politics of vandalism in Frontline (issue of 17-30 January) for a good overview (and pictures).)
  • June, 2003: James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India published in India by Oxford University Press India.
  • November, 2003: Scholars affiliated with the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI), historians (including Jaysinhrao Pawar, Babasaheb Purandare, Ninad Bedekar, and Gajanan Mehendale), and others (including city MP Pradeep Rawat) called for the withdrawal of the book. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji, Manjiri Damle, Times of India, 27 December)
  • 21 November 2003: Oxford University Press India apologised and withdrew the book from the Indian market. (The book continued to be listed in the OUP India catalogue until mid-January, but has since been removed. The book remains in print and available outside India.)
  • 22 December 2003: Shiv Sena activists confronted and attacked scholars attached to BORI over their role in assisting Laine with his book. Sanskrit scholar Shrikant Bahulkar was physically assaulted and his face blackened (an act meant to shame him). (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji)
  • 25 December 2003: Gajanan Mehendale, who had previously called for the withdrawal of Laine's book, went to the Shiv Sena offices to demand an apology for the assault on Bahulkar. When none was forthcoming he destroyed several hundred manuscript pages of his own unpublished biographical study of Shivaji. (See Scholar destroys own work on Shivaji)
  • 28 December 2003: Shiv Sena leader Raj Thackeray personally apologised to Bahulkar. The Times of India reported (29 December) that:
  • Raj assured Bahulkar that such incidents would not be repeated and that Sena activists would have to get a "clearance" from the toprung leaders before embarking on such "aggressive campaigns" in the future.
  • late December, 2003: James Laine faxed a statement apologising to some Pune scholars. The Times of India reported Laine says sorry for hurting sentiments (30 December), quoting:
  • "It was never my intention to defame the great Maharashtrian hero. I had no desire to upset those for whom he is an emblem of regional and national pride, and I apologise for inadvertently doing so," he said in a faxed message to some city scholars. "I foolishly misread the situation in India and figured the book would receive scholarly criticism, not censorship and condemnation. Again I apologise," the American author said.
  • 5 January, 2004: Over 150 activists from the Sambhaji Brigade attacked BORI, ransacking the building, defacing books and artworks, and destroying property. The extent of the damage is not clear at this time -- especially regarding the irreplaceable manuscripts and historical artefacts -- but appears to be considerable . Seventy-two of the hooligans were arrested. (See also: 'Maratha' activists vandalise Bhandarkar (Times of India),Helping Laine: Books, powada, poem (Express News Service), and Mob ransacks Pune's Bhandarkar Institute (Rupa Chapalgaonkar, Mid-Day))
  • 6 January: Mid-Day published Pune institute's desecration shocks author, in which Laine comments on events and explains, inter alia:
  • My goal was not to establish my version of the true history of Shivaji, but to examine the forces that shaped the commonly held views. In so doing, I suggest that there might be other ways of reading the historical evidence, but in making such a suggestion, I have elicited a storm of criticism. I am astonished.
  • 7 January: In the Indian Express Shailesh Gaikwad reports MSS chief's clout keeps govt away. Illustrating the government's disturbing priorities (and a continued interest in appeasing populist elements) State Home Minister R.R. Patil is quoted as saying:
  • We condemn the attack and also distorting of the history of Chhatrapati Shivaji. The government is seeking legal opinion to ascertain if any action can be taken against the author and also whether the book can be banned.
  • 9 January: At a press conference Sambhaji Brigade spokesman Shrimant Kokate is reported (in the Times of India) to have expressed pleasantries such as:
  • "In fact, scholars should be happy that Bori is still intact," he remarked. Kokate said that the brigade was "most unhappy" that scholars who had helped Laine were "still alive" and demanded that they face an inquiry or be handed over to the Brigade. Kokate expressed his displeasure about the fact that the media had labelled them as goons. "We will deal with the media later," he threatened.
  • In another report (Express News Service) he is quoted as saying:
  • Those who fed him [Laine] with the offensive information should be hanged by the government. If the government is unable to do so they should be handed over to us.
  • Kokate was apparently not arrested for these inflammatory remarks. Instead:
  • 9 January: Charges were filed against James Laine and OUP India by the Deccan Gymkhana police. The charges are registered under Sections 153 and 153(A) of the Indian Penal Code. (As A.G. Noorani notes in Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), Section 153A has frequently -- but selectively -- been invoked over the past decade and more, writing: "Section 153A is not invoked to suppress the VHP or the Shiv Sena's hate campaign but to suppress scholarly books unacceptable to them.".) These sections read:
  • 153. Wantonly giving provocation with intent to cause riot (...)
  • 153A. Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony
  • (See also Case against Laine, OUP (Express News Service) and Pune police book American writer Laine (Times of India))
  • 12 January: James Laine published a commentary piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril in The Los Angeles Times; it is, unfortunately, not freely accessible on the Internet. In it he describes his interest in Shivaji, his book, early reactions to it, and then the events that unfolded. He relates how, initially, the book "even ranked up with Hillary Rodham Clinton's in the local list of English-language bestsellers in Pune", and mentions:
  • Back in Pune this summer, I saw a couple of bland but positive reviews in the Indian papers. I thought, "As long as they don't get to the last chapter."
  • He concludes the piece:
  • The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again. Few will read it for themselves. Instead, many will live with the knowledge that India is a country where many thoughts are unthinkable or, if thought, best kept quiet.
  • 13 January: Mid-Day reports -- in an article with a very understated headline -- OUP asked to shut Pune office. As the article explains:
  • Maratha organsisations supporting Sambhaji Brigade have now forced the Oxford University Press showroom in Pune to down shutters. (...) They told the employees there that (...) they should down their shutters or else face consequences.
  • No arrests were reported.
  • 14 January: Despite the fact that OUP had already withdrawn Laine's book from the Indian market two months earlier, the Maharashtra government moved -- eventually successfully -- to have Laine's book banned, again citing Sections 153 and 153A of the Indian Penal Code. (See reports from the Times of India (14 January) and Reuters (16 January).)
  • 16 January: Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee admirably spoke out against the book-ban. The Times of India reported PM shoots from the hip, upsets Shiv Sena, NCP, and quotes the Prime Minister as sensibly stating:
  • He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion. "Countering the views in a particular book by another good book is understandable," Mr Vajpayee said, adding that he did not approve of the ban on Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India by American writer James Laine.
  • The Express New Service report, PM flags off Mumbai campaign, opposes ban on Shivaji book, had it a bit differently, quoting the PM as saying:
  • "If you do not like anything in a particular book, then sit and discuss it. Banning a book is not a solution, we have to tackle it ideologically ... If differences of opinion remain after a issue is discussed, the best way would be to come out with another good book on the subject"
  • As the Times of India report also notes: "Ironically, the PM made this observation at a function to unveil a majestic statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji in the Sahar airport precincts."
  • Vajpayee's comments were immediately denounced, including by groups allied with the PM's party. Indifferent to principles, at least one person shifted the focus to what is really at issue:
  • "He should have kept mum, especially since elections are round the corner," a senior Sena leader present at the function told TNN.
  • (See also PM not happy with ban on book on Shivaji in Mid-Day)
  •       (Updated - 29 March): Unfortunately, once election time rolled around, Vajpayee began singing a different tune; see entry of 20 March.
  • January 18: Politicians continued to seek to outdo one another in their defence of Shivaji. Express News Service reports Antulay calls for legal action against Laine (17 January), as senior Congress leader A.R.Antulay attacked Laine, "urging the government to take all necessary legal steps to punish him." He is also quoted as saying:
  • "How can a dialogue be held if somebody is abusing your father and mother ?" Antulay asked. (...) He said Shivaji was the pride of India and Indians should not tolerate any humiliation of their heroes.
  • Meanwhile, The Hindu reported (18 January) that Chief Minister Sushilkumar Shinde: "said it was 'not fair' to write such 'bad things' about Shivaji."
  • 19 January: The Times of India reported (20 January) that MSS threatens more attacks on BORI: apparently the Maratha Sewa Sangh warned that: "the 'Sambhaji Brigade', would resort to more attacks if students were made to collect money for rebuilding Bori." Despite such threats, no arrests were reported.
  • 21 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha group flays Sambhaji brigade, describing a newly-formed group, Maratha Yuvak Parishad (MYP), opposed to the use of Shivaji by activists "to further their own political ends".
  • 22 January: The Times of India reported that Maratha outfit files petititon against BORI. Maratha Vikas Sangh has apparently set its sights even higher, having:
  • filed a petition in the Bombay high court demanding that all documents at BORI be seized by the union government. Refusing the let the James Laine controversy die down, MVS has also demanded censorship on all books that would be written on historical figures.
  • (This demand for a quasi-Soviet approach to ensure that the historical record is kept ... straight apparently has not been widely embraced; nevertheless, despite suggesting such a thing, the MVS is, amazingly, still taken seriously.)
  • 28 January: The Times of India reports 'Silent' majority lodges protest at BORI:
  • On Republic Day, inspired by a chain e-mail circulated over the last two weeks, citizens made a beeline for the institute to register a silent protest against the vandalism. This, despite a police warning against gathering at the institute on R-Day. Every protestor dropped a rupee coin in specially placed urns, as a token contribution towards the restoration of the institute.
  • March: Oxford University Press apparently withdraws all references to Laine's book from all its online catalogues (previously information had been available both at OUP-USA and the main OUP site). It is unclear whether this is a move to remove the book from the market entirely (including the US and the UK), or merely a defensive legal maneuver (to preclude any liability claims).
  • 16 March: Deputy Prime Minister L K Advani bravely maintained: "that he was against banning any controversial publication". (See Advani against banning controversial books (The Hindu, 16 March) and Advani against ban on Laine's book on Shivaji (at NDTV).) This, of course, led to:
  • 17 March: The Times of India reported of the Uproar in house as DF defends 'Shivaji' ban:
  • Proceedings in both houses of the state legislature were stalled for over two hours on Wednesday after the opposition Shiv Sena-BJP members objected to the ruling coalition members' suggestion that Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister K Advani should apologise for disapproving of the state's ban on the controversial book Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India, penned by American scholar James Laine.
  • 20 March: The pressure -- and election politics -- finally got to Prime Minister Vajpayee as he kicked off the BJP election campaign in Maharahstra, as he suddenly decided the government ban on Laine's book was a pretty darn good idea after all. Not only that: he also felt it necessary to assure his listeners: "We are prepared to take action against the foreign author", and that this was "a warning to all foreign authors that they do not play with our national pride".
  • See reports in Mid-Day (Shivaji is my ideal, says Vajpayee) and Newindpress.com (Vajpayee kickstarts campaign with warning to foreign authors).
  • late March: Seeing how well the fervent pro-Shivaji attitude played to the crowds, and seeking to outdo all those who were satisfied with merely bashing James Laine, state BJP president Gopinath Munde decided he could profit by going after bigger fish closer to home and:
  • demanded a ban on Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru's classic Discovery of India on the ground that a 1986 edition of the book contains remarks highly derogatory of the Maratha king.
  • (See Ban Nehru's Discovery of India: State BJP, The Times of India, 19 March).
  • Unfortunately, the overeager Munde apparently never looked at the book in question: as The Times of India reported (21 March), Nehru's book: "contains no such derogatory remark."
  • A few days later even Munde had to admit as much -- excusing his zeal on the grounds that: "I am a politician and not a scholar". But, just so nobody would think he was going soft, he added: "there is no change in my party's stand -- it will not tolerate any insult to national heroes like Shivaji". (See: Munde wriggles out of Nehru gaffe, The Times of India, 25 March).
  • late March: Another crowd-pleasing, debate-stifling stunt: Pune police commissioner D.N.Jadhav:
  • told reporters today that he was writing to Laine to summon him to India for questioning. If Laine refuses the "request," the police chief plans to move court. And if Laine ignores the summons, the police will seek the help of CBI and Interpol, Jadhav said.
  • (See Day after showing off liberal face, Cong hounds US professor, The Indian Express, 23 March.)
  • This at least got some international attention -- see the BBC's report, India seeks to arrest US scholar -- and again seems to have played very well in India, where everybody seemed to get really excited about possibly involving Interpol (despite the fact that Laine's whereabouts are well-known); see, for example, State to seek extradition of Shivaji author (The Times of India, 23 March)
  • Unfortunately, as Vijay Singh noted at Rediff (27 March): Bringing Laine back: Easier said than done. (In fact, it is clear that Laine has not been charged with any extraditable offense.)
  • As usual, there was far more bluster than action: by 25 March the headline was: No letter to Laine as yet (Indian Express, 25 March), as (sensibly):
  • Police Commissioner D N Jadhav today said the police will not be sending a letter to James Laine, the author of Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic Indiaasking him to come to India till April 5 since a petition has been filed in the Bombay High Court.
  • See also: Criminal action stayed against Laine (Mid-Day, 27 March).
  • 9 July 2010: As widely reported, the Supreme Court in Maharashtra denied a state government plea to ban the book; see, for example Laine's book on Shivaji okay: SC in The Economic Times.

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Reactions

      Almost no attention has been paid to the controversy surrounding Laine's book or the attack on BORI outside of India. Laine's opinion piece, In India, 'the Unthinkable' Is Printed at One's Peril, in the 12 January issue of The Los Angeles Times, and an article by Martha Ann Overland ("Vandals Attack Research Center in India in Retaliation for Help It Gave to American Scholar") in the Chronicle of Higher Education (issue of 23 January), neither of which is freely available on the Internet, and a Star Tribune article by Mary Jane Smetanka, Macalester professor's book incites a riot a world away ((Updated - 29 March): now only available at WCCO), were among the very few mentions in the American press.
      ((Updated - 29 March): With the calls for Laine's arrest at the end of March there has again been some international coverage, most notably Scott Baldauf's article, How a US historian sparked calls for his arrest - in India, in the Christian Science Monitor (29 March). See also Sara Rajan's A Study in Conflict (Time (Asia), 5 April).)

      What reactions there have been in the academic community do not appear to have made any impact or found any resonance outside those limited circles. There also appear to have been no calls to withdraw Laine's book, or ban it, anywhere outside India.

      In India , the attack on BORI has been widely (though far from universally) condemned. The destruction of property, especially that which is unique and of historical significance, and the threats against scholars have been denounced in the press and in public. Prime Minister Vajpee's approach, asreported in the Times of India, seems to be the preferred one: "He said the "right way" to express disagreement was through discussion" -- though even some of his political allies denounced him for these statements and his opposition to the book-ban.
      Disturbingly, a significant minority has been willing to excuse even the attacks on BORI as justifiable under the circumstances, and while 72 of those responsible were arrested and charged, there have been continued threats (both legal and physical) against BORI, scholars associated with it, and against author James Laine.

      As Laine noted in his 12 January piece in The Los Angeles Times:
The vast majority of Indians are appalled at what happened in Pune. And yet no one has stepped forward to defend my book and no one has called for it to be distributed again.
      Indeed, most of these events took place after Laine's book had officially been withdrawn from the Indian market, i.e. essentially no longer existed. The banning of the book and the attacks on BORI and various scholars were thus clearly aimed not only at this specific case, but at the whole enterprise of scholarship, and of freedom of expression. Concerns about this have been raised in the media, but Laine's book has received little support: there still appear to have been almost no calls for it to be made available in India again.
      Surprisingly, there has also been almost no criticism of Oxford University Press' self-censorship and withdrawal of the book from the Indian market. A rare mention can found is in the "Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)", People's Democracy, who properly note (25 January):
The media have criticised the Shiv Sainiks' pranks but not the hastiness of the Oxford University Press in withdrawing the book even before the matter became public or the government for banning the book even before the matter was discussed in public fora.
      There have been numerous opinion pieces regarding these incidents. Among the disturbing trends they make note of is the uneven use of Section 153A of the Indian Penal Code to limit expression, and the politicising of what should be academic debates.

      Among the opinion pieces are:
  • Dileep Padgaonkar on Myth against history (Times of India, 25 January), who finds these events: "drive home the point yet again that in this country it is myth, not history, that ignites popular imagination."
  • A.G. Noorani's Chhatrapati or bust (Hindustan Times, 27 January), where he writes of what happened: "It was not an aberration. It is part of a practice, connived at and condoned, during the past decade and more."
  • Ananya Vajpeyi's Everything Foul and Unfair (The Telegraph, 19 January), where he suggests the most critical question is: "(A)re we prepared to defend acts of violence perpetrated in the name of our identity, our beliefs and finally, our sentiments ?"
  • An editorial in The Indian Express (7 January), in which the authors argue: "We cannot have the mob write our history for us. Every time we compromise on this principle, every time a publishing house allows itself to recall a book, every time the authorities fail to punish the vandals, every time politicians seize such issues for narrow political gains, every time the barbarian at the gate is accommodated, we fail not just our academics but our historical legacy of open scholarship."
  • Rajeev Dhavan's Burn, Burn, Destroy (available at the Outlook India site, 23 January), where he notes: "In the last decade or so, new emerging patterns of social censorship seem to have eclipsed the framework of legal censorship that has been bequeathed to India by the British."
  • Nalini Taneja on Politics of Rightwing Sectarianism (People's Democracy, 25 January), arguing: "In what has been happening today by way of policing and censorship of culture, and to history teaching and research, by way of verbal and physical attacks on democratic expression, our state and media have a very definite role to play."
  • Sandhya Jain on Demeaning Shivaji, denigrating dharma (The Pioneer, 27 January, published here at HVK.org), who finds: "Having purchased and read James Laine's Shivaji: Hindu King in Islamic India only after it was officially withdrawn by the publishers, I cannot view the events at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) as totally unjustified."
  • Swapan Dasgupta on Reclaiming the Hindu Gods (The Telegraph, 30 January), who reports that: "Beginning sometime last year, American Hindus have mounted a spirited attack on the bastions of Indology in the North American universities" and believes: "The battle to reassess Indian heritage in keeping with the achievements of Indians involves a long haul. It will not be won by bans on offensive texts or McCarthy-ite purges of the infuriatingly perverse. It has to be fought with civility, argument, rigour and a sense of strategy."
  • Manu Dash, wondering: Feel-shame factor, anyone ? (The Statesman), noting: "Our country has time and again failed to stay true to its credential of tolerance."
  • Vaishnavi K. Sekhar finding: Historians rue attack on freedom of expression (The Times of India, 24 March), noting that: "The casualty of cultural censorship may be scholarship".

      (Note that in considering reactions in India we are limited to English-language material that is freely accessible via the Internet. It should be clear that this material may well not be representative of broader opinion, or even of media opinion. The Hindu and Marathi language press may well have responded entirely differently.)

      Bhalchandrarao C. Patvardhan and Amodini Bagwe's piece, James Laine's Controversial Book, published in this issue of the complete review Quarterly, offers a somewhat different perspective, focussing on what exactly it is about Laine's book that many find so upsetting.

      There has also been some coverage of these events on weblogs, most notably at Kitabkhana and Ryan's Lair (as well as at the Literary Saloon).
http://www.complete-review.com/quarterly/vol5/issue1/laine0.htm
 
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    timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/...Konddeos-statue/.../7154065.cms - Cached
  4. Konddeo's statue to be moved from Lal Mahal - Hindustan Times

    24 Dec 2010 ... The Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) on Thursday passed a resolution to remove the statue of Dadoji Konddeo from Lal Mahal.
    www.hindustantimes.com/Konddeo...statue.../Article1-642151.aspx - Cached
  5. Civic body seeks directives on Konddeo statue, likely to re-ignite ...

    2 posts - 1 author - Last post: 14 Jan
    Civic body seeks directives on Konddeo statue, likely to re-ignite controversy - The Row over removal of the statue of Daddoji Konddeo, ...
    www.indianexpress.com/...konddeo-statue.../737320/ - United States - Cached
  6. Dadoji Konddeo statue removal: Shiv Sena calls for Pune bandh ...

    27 Dec 2010 ... Sena executive president Uddhav Thackeray slammed the NCP for removing the statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji's teacher from Lal Mahal.
    www.dnaindia.com/.../report_dadoji-konddeo-statue-removal-shiv-sena-calls- for-pune-bandh-tomorrow_1486821 - Cached
  7. NDTV » Search » Dadoji Konddeo statue

    News Results for Dadoji Konddeo statue. More News». Advertisement. Advertisement . Featured Services. Get a car Loan today · Home loans at 8.25% ...
    www.ndtv.com/search?q=Dadoji+Konddeo+statue - Cached
  8. Move to shift Konddeo's statue sparks tension | Pune News, Blogs ...

    A controversy over the shifting of the statue of Dadoji Konddeo, believed to be the mentor of Chhatrapati Shivaji, in Pune, has fomented political tensions ...
    www.123pune.com/news/move-shift-konddeos-statue-sparks-tension - Cached
  9. Remove Konddeo statue immediately: Sambhaji Brigade [Pune] | Times ...

    29 Oct 2010 ... Remove Konddeo statue immediately: Sambhaji Brigade [Pune] from Times of India, The provided by Find Articles at BNET.
    findarticles.com/p/news...konddeo-statue.../ai_n56156431/ - Cached
  10. BJP Call for Pune Bandh Today Against Removal of Dadoji Konddeo ...

    28 Dec 2010 ... Shiv Sena and BJP called the 'Pune Bandh' today on Tuesday in order to show their disapproval against the removal of the statue of Dadoji ...
    www.indiamag.in/bjp-call-for-pune-bandh-today-against-removal-of-dadoji- konddeo-statue.html - Cached

Showing results for Konddeo statue. Search instead for the original terms: Konddeo stetue

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  1. kolkatapost: Fwd: Peace Mumbai Re: James Laine ke kitaab ke virudh ...

    28 Aug 2010 ... Dadoji Konddeo's statue will be shifted from Lal Mahal .... MULNIVASI Bamcef Convention in Durgapur, West Beng. ...
    kolkatapresents.blogspot.com/.../fwd-peace-mumbai-re-james-laine-ke.html - Cached
  2. TRIBALS Create all the Problems for the Ruling Hegemomy Rejecting ...

    Anti-Hindus desecrate statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ...... father was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, 18 January). ...
    kolkatapresents.blogspot.com/.../tribals-create-all-problems-for-ruling.html
  3. Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time: Fwd: Peace Mumbai Re ...

    28 Aug 2010 ... Dadoji Konddeo's statue will be shifted from Lal Mahal .... National President Mulnivasi BAMCEF Declaers ACTION sinc 2010 AS socia ...
    indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/.../fwd-peace-mumbai-re- james-laine-ke.html - Cached
  4. Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time: Fwd: [Citizen-Mumbai ...

    29 Aug 2010 ... Dadoji Konddeo's statue will be shifted from Lal Mahal .... BAMCEF And RASHTRIYA MULNIVASI SANGH 26th National Convention, ...
    indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/.../fwd-citizen-mumbai-re -peace-mumbai-re.html - Cached
  5. Sambhaji Brigade Blog : Sambhaji Brigade Blog in News, Blogs ...

    The Topics we Dealt in Durgapur Convention of Mulnivasi Bamcef ... Move to shift Konddeo's statue sparks tension | Pune News, Blogs . ...
    www.moreupdates.com/tag/sambhaji-brigade-blog.html - Cached
  6. Sambhaji Ii

    BAMCEF - Jemini Kadu - Vedic religion vs Buddhism - Part 2 .... Konddeo controversy back as caste takes political centre-stage 2010-12-28 ... High drama in Pune as violence rocks Corporation over Dadoji statue issue 2010-12-28 ...
    wn.com/Sambhaji_II - Cached
  7. TRIBALS Create all the Problems for the Ruling Hegemomy Rejecting ...

    17 Jul 2010 ... Anti-Hindus desecrate statue of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ...... was Dadoji Kondeo Kulkarni" (quoted, for example, in The Telegraph, ...
    o3.indiatimes.com/mutinyrural/archive/2010/07/17/5036003.aspx
  8. Dadoji Konddeo दादोजी कोंडदेव - एक सामान्य ...

    28 Sep 2010 ... Labels: bamcef, bharath mukti morcha, dadoji konddeo, dadoji konddev, lal mahal, .... Group demands quick action on Konddeo statue ...
    dadojikonddev.blogspot.com/.../bharat-mulkti-morchya-and-sambhaji.html - Cached
  9. Dadoji Konddeo

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    Dadoji Konddeo

      

      

    --
    Palash Biswas
    Pl Read:
    http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/

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