Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time, Chapter: Nine Hundred Thirty Five
Palash Biswas
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Babri mosque demolition is a crime against humanity and democracy, but Indian politicians reduced the issue in an exercise of vote bank equation adjustment!Even the marxists fail to detect the infliction of zionist religious nationalism into the vein of the nation as the survival kit for the hegemony as it sustains the manusmriti apartheid corporate exclusive economy.All political parties misuse the issue to mobilise their respective vote bank. It is in fact the ground reality about the status of rule of law as the crimes like sikh genocide, babri mosque demolition, gujarat genocide, bhopal gas tragedy and ethnic cleansing of the aborigin indigenous minority communities not only roam around free but they lead the rotten Indian politics!However,The Supreme Court on Thursday directed a Rae Bareily court to expeditiously hear Babri Masjid demolition case against senior BJP leader LK Advani and 19 others against whom charge of criminal conspiracy was dropped by the trial court. Expressing deep anguish over non appearence of the counsel for CBI, which has moved the apex court against dropping of conspiracy charges against the top politicians in the apex court, a bench of justices HL Dattu and CK Prasad directed the trial court to hear the case expeditiously. The bench, meanwhile, allowed the CBI to remove the name of Bal Thackeray from the list of accused persons as he died recently. The bench pulled up Additional Solicitor General A S Chandiok for not being present in the court to argue the case for CBI saying the law officer is taking the court "casually".
No wonder, the Babri mosque issue rocked the Lok Sabha on Thursday with some members demanding action on the report of Liberhan Commission, which probed its demolition 20 years ago. While launching an acerbic attack on the BJP, BSP chief Mayawati today bailed out the government once again, this time in unambiguous terms, as she decided to vote with the government in the Rajya Sabha on a motion opposing foreign direct investment in multi-brand retail.The support of 15 BSP MPs swung the numbers decisively in favour of the government on the motion moved by the AIADMK seeking withdrawal of the decision to allow 51 per cent FDI in multi-brand retail.A similar motion was defeated in the Lok Sabha yesterday, where the BSP, which supports the government from outside, walked out. But such a strategy could not have worked in the Rajya Sabha where the government does not enjoy a majority. Either the BSP, or SP, another party which bailed out the UPA in the Lok Sabha, needed to vote with the UPA to defeat the Opposition.
Besides, Advani others against whom the CBI wants the charges of criminal conspiracy under Section 120B IPC restored are -- Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti, Satish Pradhan, CR Bansal, MM Joshi, Vinay Katiyar, Ashok Singhal, Giriraj Kishore, Sadhvi Ritambhara, VH Dalmia, Mahant Avaidhynath, RV Vedanti, Param Hans Ram Chandra Das, Jagdish Muni Maharaj, BL Sharma, Nritya Gopal Das, Dharam Das, Satish Nagar and Moreshwar Save.
The CBI has moved the apex court challenging the May 21, 2010 order of the Allahabad High Court judgement, which had upheld a special court's decision to drop the charges against the leaders. The High Court had at that time, however, allowed the CBI to proceed with other charges against Advani and others in a Rae Bareily court, under which the disputed structure falls.
The May 2010 order of the High Court had said there was no merit in the CBI's revision petition against the May 4, 2001 order of the special court which directed dropping of criminal conspiracy charges against them. There are two sets of cases - one against Advani and others who were on the dais at Ram Katha Kunj in Ayodhya in December 1992 when the Babri Masjid was demolished, while the other case was against lakhs of unknown 'karsevaks' who were in and around the disputed structure.
The CBI had charge-sheeted Advani and 20 others under sections 153A IPC (promoting enmity between classes), 153B (imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration) and 505 (false statements, rumours etc circulated with the intent to cause mutiny or disturb public peace).
But it subsequently invoked charges under Section 120 B (Criminal Conspiracy) which was quashed by the Special Court whose decision was upheld by the High Court. While upholding the special court's order, the High Court had said the CBI at no point of time, either during the trial at Rai Bareli or in its revision petition, ever stated that there was offence of criminal conspiracy against the leaders.
Bracing for the crucial vote on FDI in Rajya Sabha on Friday, government on Thursday got a shot in the arm with BSP extending support to it, even as BJP and AIADMK attacked it and other such parties for siding with UPA despite being opposed to the move.Samajwadi Party, whose support would be dearly required by UPA, however, maintained ambiguity over its stance during voting while asking the government to do a rethink on the FDI policy.
Noted social activist Aruna Roy today termed the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition as an assault on reason and rationality of the Constitution.
"One of my worst days as the citizen of India was when the Masjid was brought down. It was an assault on reason, assault on the rationality of the Constitution," Roy said at the launch of the book, 'Ham Sab Ayodhya', which captures the life and times of that era.
The event was organised here by Safdar Hashmi Memorial Trust (SAHMAT).
At the same event, former Chief Justice of India J S Verma, who heard the Ayodhya case, termed it as one of its own kind.
"It was not a usual case, it was a case of its own kind. A case which connected with every citizen of India who believed in the Constitution," Verma said.
Both Roy and Verma compared the intolerance in the society as seen in sedition charges being slapped at cartoonists and young girls put behind bars for a Facebook post to the sorry state which the country faced during the 1992 Babri demolition and its aftermath.
"The situation today is very much like it was then. Dissent is not liked today as well. And if we do that, we are charged with sedition. Cartoonists are put behind bars, two young girls are arrested for an FB post. All this has put India's secularism and the ability to tolerate different beliefs and opinions at stake," Roy said.
The Magsaysay award winner later called upon the society to pledge its belief in Indian democracy and secularism.
wenty years after the Babri mosque demolition sparked off the worst communal clashes after the subcontinent's partition in 1947, India has moved on. But analysts and politicians say there has to be a constant secular vigil.
Despite the then government's pledge, the razed 16th century mosque has not been rebuilt. On its ruins now stands a makeshift shrine for Hindu god Rama, guarded by hundreds of heavily armed security personnel.
The temple-mosque row of Ayodhya, where it all happened, no more elicits the kind of emotions it evoked in the late 1980s and early 90s, re-drawing the political map of the country.
"The general resentment against the demolition has been vindicated," says political analyst Aswini K Ray. He said the incident came as a shock to India's deep-rooted secular traditions.
But the fact that no political party, including the Bharatiya Janata Party, today justifies the destruction is a "vindication of India's secularism", the former Jawaharlal Nehru University professor told a news agency.
Added Rizwan Qaiser of Jamia Millia Islamia university here: "The country has moved on, so has the (Muslim) community, but the scar has remained."
It was on Dec 6, 1992, when a mob owing allegiance to the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and related organisations overran the Babri mosque in Ayodhya, in Uttar Pradesh, and brought down the shrine in just six hours.
The calamitous event triggered nationwide rioting and sowed the seeds of Muslim anger India was not prepared for.
It also led to the rise and rise of the BJP, eventually catapulting it to power nationally in 1998.
George Mathew, chairman of the Institute of Social Sciences, said that mass determination not to look back has acted as a check against a repeat of such an incident.
Congress general secretary Janardan Dwivedi said the Babri demolition held valuable lessons for India, a Hindu-majority country with the second largest Muslim population after Indonesia.
According to published accunts, Babri mosque was built by Mir Baqi, a nobel in Mughal emperor Babur's court in 1528. Hindu groups say it came up at the very birthsite of Lord Rama and needed to go.
Attmpts by well-wishers to resolve the issue by holding discusions between Hindu and Muslim leaders have so far failed. The judiciary too has not succeeded in coming up with a solution acceptable to everyone.
While Ray felt the BJP was unlikely to revive the Ayodhya issue in a major way, Qaiser said the BJP was not raking up the row only because of electoral compulsions.
BJP leader Siddharth Nath Singh said the demolition was a reaction to "discrimination against the majority (community)" - a euphemism to mean that Muslims had been pampered by successive governments.
But he quickly added: "(Now) both the majority and minority communities would like to move on with a new political mantra called development."
Marxist leader Basudeb Acharia said that while the Babri mosque may have faded from headlines, it would never be forgotten.
He pointed out that communal tensions were resurfacing in parts of the country, particularly in Uttar Pradesh. "We should not be complacent," the veteran parliamentarian told the agency.
As the Lok Sabha convened, Shafiqur Rahman Barq (BSP) waved black flag in the House and rued that those guilty of demolition were still not brought to justice.
Reacting angrily, Speaker Meira Kumar told Barq that he was insulting the House by waving black flag and directed him to keep it aside.
Soon, Barq, Asaduddin Owaisi (MIM) and a few other members trooped to the Well demanding action against perpetrators of the demolition of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya.
Members continued with their protests even as a Pakistani Parliamentary delegation, on a visit here, was seated in the Special Box.
BJP members trooped into the Well demanding that Barq be suspended for waving black flag in the House.
Shiv Sena and BJP members were shouting slogans "mandir wahin banayengey (the temple will be built there only)".
Basudeb Acharia (CPI-M) and T R Baalu (DMK) wanted the government to respond to the demand by members.
The Speaker's assurance to allow members to raise the issue during Zero Hour did not pacify them, forcing her to adjourn the House till noon.
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Twenty years after demolition of Babri mosque, the Ayodhya debate is still on. The frenzy mob which razed the masjid to ground on December 6, 1992, perhaps had little or no inkling that the fanatic act would change the Indian politics for all times to come. Though the Ram Temple issue seems to have lost its electoral appeal, the damage has not been undone as yet and the efforts to polarise votes on religious lines continues, at least in UP, where eight major communal clashes have taken place after Samajwadi Party (SP) came to power in March this year and the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) is trying to cobble up the team of Hindutava hardliners who played a crucial role in the Temple movement, leading to the demolition of the masjid. Ashish Tripathi writes for Times of India:
The communal rift created by the 1990 Ram temple movement which resulted in demolition of the mosque saw the BJP emerging as a national force, particularly in the north and west India, thereby changing the Indian polity forever. Till then the politics mainly revolved around the Congress and anti-Congressism, but post 1992, it became 'triangular' with the addition of the anti-Congress-BJP Third front. The demographic vote equations also changed with the Muslims, who also held inaction of the then Congress government headed by PV Narasimha Rao at the Centre equally responsible for the demolition of the mosque, shifting loyalty to regional parties which they felt could counter the saffron threat. It led to the rise of regional satraps like Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad Yadav among others.
The upheaval also pushed India into an era of instability which saw four prime ministers heading various coalition governments and two mid-term lok sabha polls between 1990-99. As no single party could win majority since then, the regional parties have been playing crucial role in formation of the governments. The coalition politics still continues but now its more mature and stable than 90s. But in UP, the instability continued from 1989 to 2007, during which period, the state saw ten governments of different permutations and combinations, three mid term assembly elections, four chief ministers, defections in parties and two stints of president rule. Interestingly, while the BJP was able to sustain in other states after Babri mosque demolition, in UP its tally declined steadily with every election.
Many political analysts believe that the 'Mandir' issue should be seen along with the 'Mandal'. After revolting against Rajiv Gandhi over Bofors scam, VP Singh formed Janta Dal in 1989 by bringing all the anti-Congress forces together. In the subsequent elections, the Congress was defeated but Janta Dal could not get the majority either. Singh became prime minister with support of the Left and the BJP. On August 7, 1990, Singh implemented the Mandal commission report providing 27% reservation for other backward classes (OBCs) to mobilise backward vote bank. On September 25, BJP's LK Advani began his rath yatra from Somnath in Gujrat demanding construction of Ram Temple at the disputed site housing Babri masjid in Ayodhya, which the saffron forces claimed was the birth place of Lord Ram.
The yatra, which was to end at Ayodhya, left behind a trail of communal clashes. On Singh's direction, the then Bihar chief minister Lalu Yadav's ordered police to intercept yatra at Samastipur and arrest Advani on October 23. On October 30, the then UP chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav ordered firing on people, who had assembled in Ayodhya on BJP's call, when they tried to storm into the mosque. The firing in Ayodhya and ensuing communal clashes in all over the country left over 500 dead. The immediate impact was that the mandir (communal) politics overshadowed the mandal (caste) politics. As a result, the BJP's number in Lok Sabha rose to 120 in 1991 from 85 in 1989. The BJP also won state assembly elections in five states in 1991 -- UP, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh.
The communal plank polarised votes across all castes. After assuming power in UP under Kalyan Singh, saffron forces gave call to start 'symbolic' construction of Temple on December 6, 1992, which led to demolition of the mosque. Kalyan was jailed for a day for 'contempt of court'. He had assured the Supreme Court that the government will protect mosque but failed to discharge the constitutional duty. The turn of events led to more communal riots across the country but by razing the mosque down, the saffron brigade killed the goose that laid the golden egg. At least, it was true for UP where caste politics took over communalism after tempers cooled down following fall of the 15th century mosque, allegedly built by a Mughal ruler over ruins of a temple at Lord Ram's birth place after destroying it.
"Temple politics created 'upper caste dominated middle class' vote bank for the BJP. A few dominant OBCs also supported it. The party sustained in the states where it is in direct fight with the Congress. But in UP, dalits by Mayawati and OBCs by Mulayam realised that supporting temple politics means accepting the brahminical order responsible for their repression since ages", said political analysts. In due course, said political observer JP Singh, the BJP also realised that the factor which increased its tally from 2 in 1984 to 182 in 1999 is also the major hurdle in exceeding further. The party had to put the temple issue on the back seat to form a coalition with other parties to assume power at the Centre. This, however, left supporters disappointed, leading to drop in its tally in subsequent elections.
In UP, the disillusionment of upper casts from BJP was so strong that a section brahmins voted for BSP in 2007 assembly elections and for SP in 2012. But, says political analyst Sudhir Panwar, the divisive politics based on cast and faith has divided farmers, artisans and industrial workers, as a result the issues related to agriculture and labour have become secondary in the priority list of the political parties. "One should also not forget that maximum cases of terror attacks in India have happened after demolition of Babri mosque, which communalized the social-political environment of country further. We need to defeat hardliners, in all the communities, and their political masters, for the sake of the nation and people", he added.
However, political parties seems to be in no mood to leave caste and communal politics. In fact, the BJP leaders said that today party needs the kind of tailwind that was necessary for the party in 1984 when it was reduced to just two seats in Parliament. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad had then came to the rescue. It formed a committee to 'liberate' the 'birthplace' of Lord Ram in Ayodhya and build a temple. Advani was given leadership of the campaign. The BJP gained from the issue till 1999 but decline started thereafter. The decline was mainly because of loss in UP where BJP's seatshare dropped to 10 in 2009 from 51 in 1991.
Today, the BJP has reached a saturation point in most of the states except UP where its prospects may improve. But the situation in UP has gone from bad to worse for the BJP to the extent that it lost the Ayodha seat for the first time since 1989 in the assembly elections held earlier this year. The 'embarrassment' has made saffron forces to sit up and revive the Hindutva agenda, as in 1984, by bringing back the Hindutva mascots like Uma Bharti and Kalyan Singh. Simultaneously, the work at the workshop set up in Ayodhya during temple movement to carve pillars for the 'grand Ram Temple' has started, indicating that something is cooking in the saffron camp. The riots under the SP rule have come as a booster.
While the BJP is desperate for a revival in UP, the Congress and SP are also looking forward to cash in on the 'fear psychosis' among Muslims after demolition of the Babri Masjid. The two parties are trying to appease the minority committee by announcing a number of sops. Mulayam has prime ministerial ambitions and that can be fulfilled only if his party is able to win maximum seats in UP. And, it will be possible only if Muslims stick to him, so Mulayam is doing all he can to keep them in good humour. Besides welfare schemes for the Muslims, he has promised to release all Muslims 'falsely' implicated in terror acts. He is even taking support of hardliner Muslims and has inducted some of them in the party.
The Bahujan Samaj Party is also trying to win the confidence of the Muslims by publicising that the community was safe during the Mayawati rule, during which period no riots took place. Mayawati, too, has prime ministerial ambitions. Both SP and BSP are banking on the fact that the Ram Temple movement and the Babri Masjid demolition pushed India into an era of instability. As no single party could win majority after the incident, the regional parties have been playing a crucial role in the formation of central governments. Also, ever since the Muslims have been voting tactically for the party which can stop the BJP. Under these circumstances, Mayawati and Mulayam know that Muslim votes would be crucial for them to become king or kingmakers in 2014.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/20th-anniversary-of-Babri-mosque-demolition-The-damage-has-not-been-undone-as-yet/articleshow/17497427.cms
The 20th anniversary of Babri Mosque demolition passed off peacefully on a sombre note in the twin towns of Ayodhya and Faizabad and the surrounding areas amidst tight security arrangements.
While shops and business establishments owned by Muslims remained partially closed and main markets wore a deserted look it being a weekly off day in Faizabad, black flags were seen at some of the mosques.
Crowds came out in the areas where weekly local markets are organised in view of the ongoing marriage season.
Official sources said that life remained normal with both the communities observing the day in their own ways separately ,although security forces remained on high alert at all the sensitive points in the twin town.
While Muslim organisations observe the day as "black day" , Hindu outfits observe it as "shaurya diwas".
Hindu groups led by VHP organised recital of 'Hanuman Chalisa" at the Kar Sewakpuram in the morning to reiterate their resolve for the construction of Ram Temple at the disputed site.
Force in large numbers were deployed at all the crossings to maintain round the clock vigil on the situation which was reported to be peaceful, district administration said.
Petitioner in the Babri Mosque demolition case, Hashim Ansari when contacted said that there is no animosity between the two communities.
"Politics is still being played in the name of Babri mosque case but the communities and the people want peace," Ansari said, adding that he had full faith in the judicial process and the matter now rests in the hands of the court.
In Lucknow, several Muslim organisations held a protest demonstration before the Vidhan Sabha demanding rebuilding of the mosque and punishment to those guilty of demolition.
The 16th century Babri Mosque was demolished by Hindu fundamentalists on this day in 1992.
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Civil rights groups demand justice on 20th anniversary of Babri mosque demolition
Demand for punishment for those involved in 1984 anti-Sikh riots, 2002 Gujarat pogrom, Odisha anti-Christian riots, and recent Assam violence too reverberated.By M. Reyaz, TwoCircles.net,
New Delhi: A number of civil rights groups and political parties marched toward Jantar Mantar today in the capital marking the twentieth anniversary of the demolition of historic Babri mosque in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992 by Hindutva forces led by Sangh Parivar.
Civil rights groups led by Lok Raj Sangathan marched towards Jantar Mantar.
Lok Raj Sangathan (LRS), in collaboration with the Association for Protection of Civil rights (APCR) organised a march from Mandi House in Delhi to the capital's 'protest street.' Several Sikh groups, including Sikh Forum too participated in the march.
Protesters attacked the ruling establishment of attacks minorities to pit one community against another and create tension.
Professor Bharat Seth of the LRS termed the events of December 6 as "criminal act carried out by political and communal forces." He added that the genocide of Sikhs in 1984, the killings of Muslims in Mumbai in 1992-93, in Gujarat 2002 and the subsequent episodes of communal and sectarian violence including in Odisha and Assam have revealed that secularism and communalism are two sides of one policy of the Indian rulers to divide and rule.
Akhlaq Ahmad, national coordinator of the APCR called the demolition an "attack on the democratic values and secular character of India."
Civil rights groups demand justice on 20th anniversary of Babri mosque demolition
He requested the civil society members to come together to demand justice. He also put aside talks of reconciliation unless justice is done, adding, "Justice cannot be done unless mosque is rebuilt at its original site."
Speaking on the occasion, Secretary of the Sikh Forum Wing Commander Randhir Singh Chhatwal said, "Few weeks back we had assembled here to demand justice for the victims of 1984 anti-Sikh riots and today we are here to extend our solidarity."
General Secretary of the Welfare party of India, Dr SQR Ilyas accused both the Congress and the BJP of collusion that led to destruction.
Few steps away CPIML and its students wing AISA too had gathered demanding justice and punishments for the guilty.
In another rally organised by Popular Front of India, Okhla MLA Asif Mohammad Khan demanded that guilty must be brought to justice as per the law.
http://twocircles.net/2012dec06/civil_rights_groups_demand_justice_20th_anniversary_babri_mosque_demolition.html
Persistence of a Sore: Communal Violence Today
Ram Puniyani
The events taking place in different parts of the country in October-November 2012 have been very disturbing to say the least. It is the continuance and recurrence of communal events, communal violence in different parts of the country, in UP, Assam and Hyderabad in particular. In UP since the Akhilesh Yadav Government has come to power there has taken place a series of acts of violence in UP. Since Samajwadi Party took over the reins of the state in March 2012, in the past few months' communal violence took place in Mathura, Pratapgarh, Bareilly, Meerut, Allahabad and Lucknow. The latest in the series has been the tragic events of Faizabad, where On 24 October 2012, when the immersion procession of Durga was going on, a girl was molested by few miscreants. Making this as a pretext few people started stone throwing in the nearby areas. A rumor was spread in Faizabad that Muslims are doing the stone throwing. The mob went on to burn nearly 25 shops of Muslim traders. They also rampaged the office of bilingual (Urdu and Hindi) paper Aap Ki Takat. This paper is continuously giving the message of Peace and calling for Hindu-Muslim unity. They also vandalized the mosque.
According to activist Yugal Kishore Sharan Shastri, this was a pre-planned attack. The editor of the paper Manzar Mehdi feels, this is an attempt to silence the voice of peace. The police took long time to reach the spot and did not intervene effectively. Similarly the fire brigade also took four hours to reach, by which time the shops were totally destroyed.
In the far off Assam, the recurrence of violence resulted in the death of six people, and it seemed whether there is going to be recurrence of the tragic incidents of July 2012, when nearly four lakh, mainly Muslims, were displaced and sixty people died. Assam violence was a bit different than others as here the number of displaced were much more and it seemed that there is a plan to get the Bodo areas cleared from the presence of the Muslims. Here one also saw that in the process of rehabilitation the Government is having a lopsided approach and Muslims are not being rehabilitated as many of them do not fuilfil the criterion of proper records due to various reasons. This was one case of violence where apart from police playing its role of a mere onlooker, the propaganda, based on misconceptions was made the base of violence. It has been propagated that Muslims are infiltrators, Bangldeshis and have been encroaching the lands of Bodos. Lot has been written to dispel this myth. Muslims have mainly been coming from Bengal from 18th Century due to the British policy of reducing the pressure on overpopulated Bengal and to ensure that the stretches of Assam, having low population density are populated. Since the perceptions have made a deep root in social common sense, the violence against Muslims, the citizens of Assam-India have gone on and communal forces have taken full advantage of that.
The third incidence is from the Southern state of Andhra, where the historic monument of Charminar is being vandalized by putting up renovation of Bhagyalaxmi temple, which is abutting the Charminar. This violates the norms of Archaeological Survey of India. The plea of ASI that the changes in temple may damage the Minar and that this an illegal act is falling on the deaf years and government has been letting the act of desecration of Charminar going on, much to the annoyance of the people of old city of Hyderabad and historic Charminar area. There have been minor skirmishes due to which many a people have been injured and the area saw the curfew for some time.
These three incidents are very typical of as to what goes on to make a communal violence. There is preplanning in these acts, as is clear in all these cases. The pretext and rumours about violation of the modesty of women, is very much visible in the case of Faizabad. In case of Faizabad, apart from intimidating the minorities, burning their shops, the ransacking of the office of bilingual paper, Aap Ki Taqat is very symbolic. This paper is bilingual, Urdu and Hindi. Its belief is that Hindu Muslims are brothers and Hindi-Urdu are sisters. It has been talking of peace in Ayodhay and is opposed the communal politics which led to Babri demolition. In UP while the Samajvadi party (SP) is very much in the total control of situation, how come violence is taking place? SP has been always claiming to be secular and in past many a times it has come forward to protect the values of secularism. There seem to be deeper forces which are beyond the control of SP, or does SP sees a political benefit in letting violence happen remains to be seen. It is painfully obvious in case of UP, Faizabad also that police machinery is not interested in controlling the violence, even when it can. It either helps the rioters or looks the other way round when the violence is taking place. In Hyderabad one sees the use of historical places to incite the communal tension. How systematically communal forces built up the Ram Temple campaign leading to demolition of Babri Masjid is a sad reminder to what can happen in Hyderabad. In Ayodhya also Babri Masjid was a monument under control of ASI, but with political hysteria built around it, it was demolished in the broad day light with state, police very much in the know of things.
The multiple factors which lead to communal violence remain unaddressed so the recurrence of these acts of violence goes on in such a painful way. Social activists and scholars have pointed out the role of communal forces, state machinery, irrespective of who is in power; the role of rumours, the 'social common sense' targeted against minorities persists. It is very sure that unless the problem is dealt with in its totality the country will keep suffering the pain of this violence and minorities in particular will keep suffering. It also reminds us as to what is the state of our democracy and the need for an effective and balanced Communal Violence Bill? No democracy can be satisfactory unless the minorities are safe and secure and are having equity in economic matters. These incidents are reminders to all those having faith and longing for a peaceful, secular, democratic society that we need to work against those who operate on communal ground, we need to ensure that social misconceptions are removed and an atmosphere of amity is created and that pressures have to bring in Communal Violence prevention Bill to punish the acts of commission or omission by political authorities and the police forces…
Demolition of Babri Masjid
Demolition of Babri Masjid   Ayodhya Ayodhya (India) | |
|---|---|
| Date | December 6, 1992 |
| Attack type | Riot |
| Perpetrators | Karsevaks |
The Demolition of Babri Masjid was the destruction of the 16th-century mosque of Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, India, on December 6, 1992 by Hindu Karsevaks in an attempt to reclaim the land known as Ram Janmabhoomi. The demolition occurred after a religious ceremony turned violent and resulted in several months of intercommunal rioting between India's Hindu and Muslim communities, causing the death of at least 2,000 people.[1]
Contents |
Background
The city of Ayodhya is regarded by Hindus to be the birthplace of the God-king Rama and is regarded as one of India's most sacred and religious sites.[2] In 1528, after the Mughal invasion, a mosque was built by Mughal general Mir Banki, who reportedly destroyed a pre-existing temple of Rama at the site, and named it after emperor Babur.[3] For several years, the site was used for religious purposes by both Hindus and Muslims.[4] After independence, several title suits were filed by opposing religious groups claiming possession of the site.[5]
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) used the Ayodhya debate as a major campaign issue in the 1989 elections.[6] In September 1990, BJP leader L. K. Advani started Rath Yatra, a tour of the country to educate the masses about the Ayodhya struggle.
Demolition
On 6 December 1992, the BJP and other supporting organizations organised a religious ceremony to symbolically start the building of a temple at the sacred site. About 150,000 karsevaks had assembled to witness the ceremonies, including speeches by BJP leaders L. K. Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi.[7]
On that Sunday morning, LK Advani and others met at Vinay Katiyar's residence. They then proceeded to the disputed structure, the report says. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi and Katiyar reached the puja platform where symbolic Kar Seva was to be performed, and Advani and Joshi checked arrangements for the next 20 minutes. The two senior leaders then moved 200 metre away to the Ram Katha Kunj. This was a building facing the disputed structure where a dais had been erected for senior leaders.
The report notes that at this time Advani, Joshi and Vijay Raje Scindia made "feeble requests to the Kar Sevaks to come down... either in earnest or for the media's benefit". No appeal was made to the Kar Sevaks not to enter the sanctum sanctorum or not to demolish the structure. The report notes: "This selected act of the leaders itself speaks of the hidden intentions of one and all being to accomplish demolition of the disputed structure." The report holds that the "icons of the movement present at the Ram Katha Kunj... could just as easily have... prevented the demolition."[8]
Photographs and video of the event show that an angry crowd soon stormed the site and attacked the structure. At noon, youths were seen at the top of one of the domes, attaching a flag and beating on the structure with a stick, signaling the breaking of the outer cordon. Using only hand implements, the crowd reduced the substantial structure to rubble.
Demolition planned in advance
In a 2005 book former Intelligence Bureau (IB) Joint Director Maloy Krishna Dhar claimed that Babri Masjid demolition was planned 10 months in advance by top leaders of RSS, BJP and VHP and raised questions over the way the then Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao, had handled the issue. Dhar claimed that he was directed to arrange the coverage of a key meeting of the BJP/Sangh Parivar and that the meeting "proved beyond doubt that they (RSS, BJP, VHP) had drawn up the blueprint of the Hindutva assault in the coming months and choreographed the 'pralaya nritya' (dance of destruction) at Ayodhya in December 1992... The RSS, BJP, VHP and the Bajrang Dal leaders present in the meeting amply agreed to work in a well-orchestrated manner." Claiming that the tapes of the meeting were personally handed over by him to his boss, he asserts that he has no doubts that his boss had shared the contents with the Prime Minister (Rao) and the Home Minister (S B Chavan). The author claimed that there was silent agreement that Ayodhya offered "a unique opportunity to take the Hindutva wave to the peak for deriving political benefit."[9]
Aftermath
Communal riots and terrorism
The destruction of the Mosque sparked Muslim outrage around the country, provoking several months of intercommunal rioting in which Hindus and Muslims attacked one another, burning and looting homes, shops and places of worship. The ensuing riots which spread to cities like by riots in Bombay, Surat, Ahmedabad, Kanpur, Delhi and several others, eventually resulted in 1,500 deaths.[10][11] The Mumbai Riots alone, which occurred in December 1992 and January 1993, caused the death of around 900 people, and estimated property damage of around 
Investigation
On 16 December 1992, the Union home ministry set up the Liberhan Commission to investigate the destruction of the Mosque, headed by retired High Court Judge M S Liberhan. Totalling 399 sittings over the span of sixteen years, the Commission finally submitted its the 1,029-page report to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on June 30, 2009.[17] According to the report, the events of December 6, 1992, in Ayodhya were "neither spontaneous nor unplanned".[18]
International reactions
The international reaction in neighbouring Muslim countries criticised the Government of India for failing to stop the demolition and subsequent communal violence, but also included widespread retaliatory attacks on Hindus by Muslims in Pakistan and Bangladesh.
- Pakistan
In Pakistan, the government closed offices and schools on 7 December to protest the demolition of the Babri mosque.[19] The Pakistani Foreign Ministry summoned the Indian ambassador to formally complain, and promised to appeal to the United Nations and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference to pressure India to protect the rights of Muslims.[19] Strikes were held across the country while Muslim mobs attacked and destroyed as many as 30 temples in one day by means of fire and bulldozers, and stormed the office of Air India, India's national airline in Lahore.[19] The retaliatory attacks included rhetoric from mobs calling for the destruction of India and of Hinduism.[19] Students from the Quaid-i-Azam University in Islamabad burned an effigy of the then-Prime Minister of India, P.V. Narasimha Rao and called for "holy war" against Hindus.[19] In subsequent years, thousands of Pakistani Hindus visiting India sought longer visas and citizenship of India, citing increased harassment and discrimination in the aftermath of the Babri mosque demolition.[20]
- Bangladesh
In December 1992, Muslim mobs attacked and burnt down Hindus temples, shops and houses across the country.[21] An India-Bangladesh cricket match was disrupted when a mob of an estimated 5,000 men tried to storm into the Bangabandhu National Stadium in the national capital of Dhaka.[21] The Dhaka office of Air India was stormed and destroyed.[19] 10 people were reportedly killed, with many more Hindu women being victims of rape and hundreds Hindu temples and homes were destroyed.[21][22][23][24] The aftermath of the violence forced the Bangladeshi Hindu community to curtail the celebrations of Durga Puja in 1993 while calling for the destroyed temples to be repaired and investigations be held on the atrocities against Hindus in Bangladesh.[21]
- Iran
The Supreme Leader of Iran Ayatollah Ali Khameini condemned the demolition but in milder terms compared to the reactions in Pakistan and Bangladesh.[19] He called upon India to do more to protect Muslims.
In popular culture
In fiction, Lajja, a controversial 1993 novel in Bengali by Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin, has a story based in the days after the demolition. After its release, the author received death threats in her home country and has been living in exile ever since.
The events that transpired in aftermath of the demolition and the riots are an important part of the plot of the many films notably, Bombay (1995) set in the Mumbai riots, while Daivanamathil (2005) explores the repercussions of the demolition on Kerala Muslims, both the films won the Nargis Dutt Award for Best Feature Film on National Integration at the respective National Film Awards; Naseem (1995), Striker (2010), and also mentioned in Slumdog Millionaire (2008). A metaphor of this incident was framed in the movie Delhi 6 (2009) [25] directed by Rakeysh Omprakash Mehra.[26]
Further reading
References
- ^ 'Timeline: Ayodhya crisis', BBC News, October 17, 2003.
- ^ Bhagat, Rasheeda (28 September 2010). "The Ayodhya Conundrum". The Hindu Business Line. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ "Babri Masjid controversy at a glance". Samay Live. 23 Sep 2010. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ P. Carnegy: A Historical Sketch of Tehsil Fyzabad, Lucknow 1870, cited by Harsh Narain The Ayodhya Temple Mosque Dispute: Focus on Muslim Sources, 1993, New Delhi, Penman Publications. ISBN 81-85504-16-4 p.8-9, and by Peter Van der Veer Religious Nationalism, p.153
- ^ Das, Anil (September 28, 2010). "Chronolgy of Ayodhya's Ram Janambhoomi-Babri Masjid title suit issue". International Business Times. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ Sahgal, Priya (December 24, 2009). "1990-L.K. Advani's rath yatra: Chariot of fire". India Today. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ Tully, Mark (5 December 2002). "Tearing down the Babri Masjid". BBC News. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ "Report: Sequence of events on December 6". NDTV. November 23, 2009. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
- ^ "Babri Masjid demolition was planned 10 months in advance: Book". Press Trust of India. January 30, 2005. Retrieved 5 December 2011.
- ^ Gort, Jerald D.; Henry Jansen, H. M. Vroom (2002). Religion, conflict and reconciliation: multifaith ideals and realities. Rodopi. p. 248. ISBN 90-420-1460-1.
- ^ Indo-Asian News Service (September 21, 2010). "Shiv Sainiks will maintain peace post-Ayodhya verdict: Uddhav". Hindustan Times. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ ERCES Online Quarterly Review Religious Identity of the Perpetrators and Victims of Communal Violence in Post-Independence India
- ^ Steven I. Wilkinson (2006). Votes and Violence: Electoral Competition and Ethnic Riots in India. Cambridge University Press. p. 14. ISBN 0-521-53605-7.
- ^ Gilly, Thomas Albert; Yakov Gilinskiy, Vladimir A. Sergevnin (2009). The Ethics of Terrorism: Innovative Approaches from an International Perspective. Charles C Thomas. p. 27. ISBN 0-398-07867-X.
- ^ Raman, B. (December 9, 2010). "The Latest 'Indian Mujahideen Mail'". Outlook India. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
- ^ Sinha, Amitabh (2008-09-14). "Blast a revenge for Babri". Indian Express. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
- ^ NDTV correspondent (November 23, 2009). "What is the Liberhan Commission?". NDTV India. Retrieved 29 September 2010.
- ^ "India Babri Masjid demolition neither spontaneous nor unplanned: Liberhan". Hindustan Times. November 24, 2009.
- ^ a b c d e f g "PAKISTANIS ATTACK 30 HINDU TEMPLES". New York Times. 1992-12-07. Retrieved 2011-04-15.
- ^ "Pakistani Hindus in India unwilling to return". Deccan Herald. Retrieved 2011-04-15.
- ^ a b c d "Chronology for Hindus in Bangladesh". UNHCR. Retrieved 2011-04-15.
- ^ Minorities at Risk Project (2004). "Chronology for Hindus in Bangladesh". United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
- ^ The Guardian (London). http://archive.guardian.co.uk/Repository/ml.asp?Ref=R1VBLzE5OTIvMTIvMDgjQXIwMDEwMA==&Mode=Gif&Locale=english-skin-custom.
- ^ Minority Rights Group International (2008). "World Directory of Minorities and Indigenous Peoples - Bangladesh : Hindus". United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. Retrieved 2011-12-05.
- ^ http://www.imdb.com/title/tt1043451/
- ^ http://www.imdb.com/name/nm1018493/
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